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BACKGROUND: The value that might be added to local economies each year through the money that people who smoke tobacco would save if everyone quit smoking is called the 'smoke-free dividend'. This study aimed to estimate the value of the smoke-free dividend across local areas in England, and how it relates to the average income in those areas. METHODS: The study was a cross-sectional descriptive analysis of tobacco expenditure from the Smoking Toolkit Study (STS) matched to income and smoking prevalence data for English local authorities. The STS sample was from 2014 to 2020 and comprised 18 721 adults who smoke cigarettes. Self-reported expenditure estimates from the STS were adjusted for under-reporting. This adjustment aimed to align the total expenditure estimate with figures derived from government tax receipts and national estimates of illicit tobacco use. The smoke-free dividend is calculated as 93% of spending on legal tobacco, which is the percentage estimated to leave the local economy, plus 100% of spending on illicit tobacco. RESULTS: The total dividend in England is estimated to be £10.9 billion each year, which equates to £1776 per person who smokes or £246 per adult regardless of smoking status. The estimated dividend is greater in areas with lower average income, with a correlation coefficient of -0.521 (95% CI -0.629, -0.392) between the average income of local areas and the dividend per adult. CONCLUSIONS: This study has estimated that local economies could gain a substantial dividend if everybody stopped smoking, which is larger in lower income areas, meaning that geographical economic inequalities could be reduced.
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INTRODUCTION: Evidence shows that price is an important policy lever in reducing consumption of alcohol and tobacco. However, there is little evidence of the cross-price effect between alcohol and tobacco. METHODS: This paper uses an econometric model which estimates participation and consumption elasticities, on data from the UK Living Costs and Food Survey 2006-2017 and extends the literature by, for the first time, estimating joint price elasticities for disaggregated alcohol and tobacco products. This paper presents new price elasticities and compares them to the existing literature. RESULTS: The own-price elasticity estimates are all negative for both participation and consumption. There is no pattern to the estimates of cross-price elasticities. The elasticity estimates, when used in the Sheffield Tobacco and Alcohol Policy Model, produce bigger changes in consumption for the same change in price compared to other elasticity estimates in the existing literature. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS: Consumption of alcohol and tobacco are affected by the prices of one another. Policymakers should bear this in mind when devising alcohol or tobacco pricing policies.
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Produtos do Tabaco , Humanos , Reino Unido , Custos e Análise de Custo , Impostos , Elasticidade , ComércioRESUMO
BACKGROUND: Increasing the amount of alcohol taxation is among the most effective measures for addressing the rising global burden of alcohol harm. However, less is known about the effect of changing alcohol tax structures. Substantial reforms to UK alcohol taxation structures enacted in August, 2023, mean that all alcohol is taxed based on its ethanol content, beers and ciders sold in on-trade premises (eg, public houses) are taxed at a reduced rate (hereafter called draught relief), and beer and particularly cider remain taxed at lower rates than other alcohol of equivalent strength. We aimed to model the effect of these reforms on alcohol consumption and health and economic outcomes, and the effects of hypothetical alternative scenarios. METHODS: The Sheffield Tobacco and Alcohol Policy Model was used to estimate policy effects on alcohol consumption. The model is an individual-based microsimulation that uses data from the Health Survey for England, Living Costs and Food Survey, Hospital Episode Statistics, and the Office for National Statistics. Spending and revenues to retailers and the Government were estimated cumulatively for a 5-year period post-intervention. Policy effects on all-cause deaths, years of life lost, hospital admissions, and admissions costs were estimated cumulatively for a 20-year period post-intervention. FINDINGS: The reform was estimated to decrease mean weekly alcohol consumption per drinker by less than 0·05 (-0·34%) units (1 unit=8 g/10 mL ethanol), and prevent 2307 deaths and 11 510 hospital admissions during 20 years compared with no policy change. Removing draught relief was estimated to prevent 1441 further deaths and 14 247 further admissions. Hypothetical scenarios showed that removing draught relief would only slightly improve public health outcomes, and increasing tax rates for beer and ciders to match other drinks of equivalent strength would reduce consumption by a further 2·5 units per week (-17%) and deaths by approximately 74 465. INTERPRETATION: Alcohol tax structures based on alcohol strength enable tax policy to improve public health in a targeted way. However, the UK reforms are unlikely to substantially improve health outcomes as they do not raise taxes overall. Raising tax rates for the lowest taxed beer and ciders, which are favoured by those who consume harmful amounts of alcohol, could achieve substantially greater public health benefits and reduce health inequalities. FUNDING: National Institute for Health and Care Research and UK Prevention Research Partnership.