RESUMEN
Domestic dogs have been central to life in the North American Arctic for millennia. The ancestors of the Inuit were the first to introduce the widespread usage of dog sledge transportation technology to the Americas, but whether the Inuit adopted local Palaeo-Inuit dogs or introduced a new dog population to the region remains unknown. To test these hypotheses, we generated mitochondrial DNA and geometric morphometric data of skull and dental elements from a total of 922 North American Arctic dogs and wolves spanning over 4500 years. Our analyses revealed that dogs from Inuit sites dating from 2000 BP possess morphological and genetic signatures that distinguish them from earlier Palaeo-Inuit dogs, and identified a novel mitochondrial clade in eastern Siberia and Alaska. The genetic legacy of these Inuit dogs survives today in modern Arctic sledge dogs despite phenotypic differences between archaeological and modern Arctic dogs. Together, our data reveal that Inuit dogs derive from a secondary pre-contact migration of dogs distinct from Palaeo-Inuit dogs, and probably aided the Inuit expansion across the North American Arctic beginning around 1000 BP.
Asunto(s)
Distribución Animal , Perros/anatomía & histología , Perros/genética , Genoma Mitocondrial , Fenotipo , Alaska , Animales , Arqueología , Regiones Árticas , Canadá , ADN Antiguo/análisis , ADN Mitocondrial/análisis , Groenlandia , Migración HumanaRESUMEN
OBJECTIVES: A previous multi-isotope study of archaeological faunal samples from Skútustaðir, an early Viking age settlement on the southern shores of Lake Mývatn in north-east Iceland, demonstrated that there are clear differences in δ(34)S stable isotope values between animals deriving their dietary protein from terrestrial, freshwater, and marine reservoirs. The aim of this study was to use this information to more accurately determine the diet of humans excavated from a nearby late Viking age churchyard. MATERIALS AND METHODS: δ(13)C, δ(15)N, and δ(34)S analyses were undertaken on terrestrial animal (n = 39) and human (n = 46) bone collagen from Hofstaðir, a high-status Viking-period farmstead â¼10 km north-west of Skútustaðir. RESULTS: δ(34)S values for Hofstaðir herbivores were â¼6 higher relative to those from Skútustaðir (δ(34)S: 11.4 ± 2.3 versus 5.6 ± 2.8), while human δ(13)C, δ(15)N, and δ(34)S values were broad ranging (-20.2 to -17.3, 7.4 to 12.3, and 5.5 to 14.9, respectively). DISCUSSION: Results suggest that the baseline δ(34)S value for the Mývatn region is higher than previously predicted due to a possible sea-spray effect, but the massive deposition of Tanytarsus gracilentus (midges) (δ(34)S: -3.9) in the soil in the immediate vicinity of the lake is potentially lowering this value. Several terrestrial herbivores displayed higher bone collagen δ(34)S values than their contemporaries, suggesting trade and/or movement of animals to the region from coastal areas. Broad ranging δ(13)C, δ(15)N, and δ(34)S values for humans suggest the population were consuming varied diets, while outliers within the dataset could conceivably have been migrants to the area.
Asunto(s)
Dieta Paleolítica/historia , Conducta Alimentaria/fisiología , Migración Humana/historia , Animales , Antropología Física , Huesos/química , Colágeno/química , Historia Antigua , Humanos , Islandia , Isótopos/análisis , Diente/químicaRESUMEN
This paper identifies rare climate challenges in the long-term history of seven areas, three in the subpolar North Atlantic Islands and four in the arid-to-semiarid deserts of the US Southwest. For each case, the vulnerability to food shortage before the climate challenge is quantified based on eight variables encompassing both environmental and social domains. These data are used to evaluate the relationship between the "weight" of vulnerability before a climate challenge and the nature of social change and food security following a challenge. The outcome of this work is directly applicable to debates about disaster management policy.
Asunto(s)
Clima , Abastecimiento de Alimentos , Cambio Climático , Humanos , Cambio SocialRESUMEN
Previous studies have suggested that the presence of sea ice is an important factor in facilitating migration and determining the degree of genetic isolation among contemporary arctic fox populations. Because the extent of sea ice is dependent upon global temperatures, periods of significant cooling would have had a major impact on fox population connectivity and genetic variation. We tested this hypothesis by extracting and sequencing mitochondrial control region sequences from 17 arctic foxes excavated from two late-ninth-century to twelfth-century AD archaeological sites in northeast Iceland, both of which predate the Little Ice Age (approx. sixteenth to nineteenth century). Despite the fact that five haplotypes have been observed in modern Icelandic foxes, a single haplotype was shared among all of the ancient individuals. Results from simulations within an approximate Bayesian computation framework suggest that the rapid increase in Icelandic arctic fox haplotype diversity can only be explained by sea-ice-mediated fox immigration facilitated by the Little Ice Age.
Asunto(s)
Cambio Climático , Zorros/genética , Variación Genética , Animales , Secuencia de Bases , Teorema de Bayes , ADN Mitocondrial/química , Femenino , Zorros/fisiología , Islandia , Masculino , Datos de Secuencia Molecular , Dinámica PoblacionalRESUMEN
Norse Greenland has been seen as a classic case of maladaptation by an inflexible temperate zone society extending into the arctic and collapse driven by climate change. This paper, however, recognizes the successful arctic adaptation achieved in Norse Greenland and argues that, although climate change had impacts, the end of Norse settlement can only be truly understood as a complex socioenvironmental system that includes local and interregional interactions operating at different geographic and temporal scales and recognizes the cultural limits to adaptation of traditional ecological knowledge. This paper is not focused on a single discovery and its implications, an approach that can encourage monocausal and environmentally deterministic emphasis to explanation, but it is the product of sustained international interdisciplinary investigations in Greenland and the rest of the North Atlantic. It is based on data acquisitions, reinterpretation of established knowledge, and a somewhat different philosophical approach to the question of collapse. We argue that the Norse Greenlanders created a flexible and successful subsistence system that responded effectively to major environmental challenges but probably fell victim to a combination of conjunctures of large-scale historic processes and vulnerabilities created by their successful prior response to climate change. Their failure was an inability to anticipate an unknowable future, an inability to broaden their traditional ecological knowledge base, and a case of being too specialized, too small, and too isolated to be able to capitalize on and compete in the new protoworld system extending into the North Atlantic in the early 15th century.
Asunto(s)
Cultura , Desastres/historia , Animales , Clima , Cambio Climático , Ambiente , Geografía , Groenlandia , Historia Antigua , Humanos , Mamíferos , Características de la ResidenciaRESUMEN
Changing economies and patterns of trade, rather than climatic deterioration, could have critically marginalized the Norse Greenland settlements and effectively sealed their fate. Counter-intuitively, the end of Norse Greenland might not be symptomatic of a failure to adapt to environmental change, but a consequence of successful wider economic developments of Norse communities across North Atlantic. Data from Greenland, the Faroe Islands, and medieval Iceland is used to explore the interplay of Norse society with climate, environment, settlement, and other circumstances. Long term increases in vulnerability caused by economic change and cumulative climate changes sparked a cascading collapse of integrated interdependent settlement systems, bringing the end of Norse Greenland.