tDCS Facilitation of Picture Naming: Item-Specific, Task General, or Neither?

The aim of the present study was to clarify the conditions under which anodal tDCS applied to left hemisphere language sites may facilitate picture naming latencies in healthy young adults. We built upon previous studies by directly testing for item-specific and generalized effects of tDCS through manipulation of item-familiarization and through testing for both online and offline effects of stimulation, in the same paradigm. In addition, we tested for the robustness of these effects by comparing two left hemisphere sites critical for lexical retrieval. Twenty-eight healthy young adults completed two testing sessions receiving either anodal (1.5 mA, 20 min) or sham stimulation (1.5 mA, 30 s) in each session. Half of the participants received tDCS over the left inferior frontal region and the other half over the left posterior superior temporal region. All participants were asked to a name a set of pictures and their response latencies were compared at three time points (before, during, and after the end of stimulation). The stimulus set was constructed so that some items were presented at all time points, some before and after stimulation, and some during stimulation only. A parsimonious linear mixed effects model (LMM) revealed robust repetition priming effects as latencies were reliably faster for previously named items in all conditions. However, active tDCS did not produce any additional facilitation in relation to sham, and even led to slower performance in the IFG group when the stimulated items differed from those tested at baseline and post-test. Our findings add to the present debate about the efficacy of single-session tDCS for modulation of lexical retrieval in healthy young adults. We conclude that future research should take a more systematic, step-wise approach to the application of tDCS to the study of language and that more sensitive experimental paradigms, which include a training element, are more adapted to the study of cognitive processes in populations with optimal levels of cortical excitability.

Processing deficits for familiar and novel faces in patients with left posterior fusiform lesions.

Pure alexia (PA) arises from damage to the left posterior fusiform gyrus (pFG) and the striking reading disorder that defines this condition has meant that such patients are often cited as evidence for the specialisation of this region to processing of written words. There is, however, an alternative view that suggests this region is devoted to processing of high acuity foveal input, which is particularly salient for complex visual stimuli like letter strings. Previous reports have highlighted disrupted processing of non-linguistic visual stimuli after damage to the left pFG, both for familiar and unfamiliar objects and also for novel faces. This study explored the nature of face processing deficits in patients with left pFG damage. Identification of famous faces was found to be compromised in both expressive and receptive tasks. Discrimination of novel faces was also impaired, particularly for those that varied in terms of second-order spacing information, and this deficit was most apparent for the patients with the more severe reading deficits. Interestingly, discrimination of faces that varied in terms of feature identity was considerably better in these patients and it was performance in this condition that was related to the size of the length effects shown in reading. This finding complements functional imaging studies showing left pFG activation for faces varying only in spacing and frontal activation for faces varying only on features. These results suggest that the sequential part-based processing strategy that promotes the length effect in the reading of these patients also allows them to discriminate between faces on the basis of feature identity, but processing of second-order configural information is most compromised due to their left pFG lesion. This study supports a view in which the left pFG is specialised for processing of high acuity foveal visual information that supports processing of both words and faces.

Lexical neighborhood effects in pseudoword spelling.

The general aim of this study is to contribute to a better understanding of the cognitive processes that underpin skilled adult spelling. More specifically, it investigates the influence of lexical neighbors on pseudo-word spelling with the goal of providing a more detailed account of the interaction between lexical and sublexical sources of knowledge in spelling. In prior research examining this topic, adult participants typically heard lists composed of both words and pseudo-words and had to make a lexical decision to each stimulus before writing the pseudo-words. However, these priming paradigms are susceptible to strategic influence and may therefore not give a clear picture of the processes normally engaged in spelling unfamiliar words. In our two Experiments involving 71 French-speaking literate adults, only pseudo-words were presented which participants were simply requested to write to dictation using the first spelling that came to mind. Unbeknownst to participants, pseudo-words varied according to whether they did or did not have a phonological word neighbor. Results revealed that low-probability phoneme/grapheme mappings (e.g., /o/ -> aud in French) were used significantly more often in spelling pseudo-words with a close phonological lexical neighbor with that spelling (e.g., /krepo/ derived from "crapaud," /krapo/) than in spelling pseudo-words with no close neighbors (e.g., /frøpo/). In addition, the strength of this lexical influence increased with the lexical frequency of the word neighbors as well as with their degree of phonetic overlap with the pseudo-word targets. These results indicate that information from lexical and sublexical processes is integrated in the course of spelling, and a specific theoretical account as to how such integration may occur is introduced.

Orthographic transparency modulates the grain size of orthographic processing: behavioral and ERP evidence from bilingualism.

Grapheme-to-phoneme mapping regularity is thought to determine the grain size of orthographic information extracted whilst encoding letter strings. Here we tested whether learning to read in two languages differing in their orthographic transparency yields different strategies used for encoding letter-strings as compared to learning to read in one (opaque) language only. Sixteen English monolingual and 16 early Welsh-English bilingual readers undergoing event-related brain potentials (ERPs) recordings were asked to report whether or not a target letter displayed at fixation was present in either a nonword (consonant string) or an English word presented immediately before. Bilinguals and monolinguals showed similar behavioural performance on target detection presented in words and nonwords, suggesting similar orthographic encoding in the two groups. By contrast, the amplitude of ERPs locked to the target letters (P3b, 340-570 ms post target onset, and a late frontal positive component 600-1,000 ms post target onset) were differently modulated by the position of the target letter in words and nonwords between bilinguals and monolinguals. P3b results show that bilinguals who learnt to read simultaneously in an opaque and a transparent orthographies encoded orthographic information presented to the right of fixation more poorly than monolinguals. On the opposite, only monolinguals exhibited a position effect on the late positive component for both words and nonwords, interpreted as a sign of better re-evaluation of their responses. The present study shed light on how orthographic transparency constrains grain size and visual strategies underlying letter-string encoding, and how those constraints are influenced by bilingualism.

On the importance of considering individual profiles when investigating the role of auditory sequential deficits in developmental dyslexia.

The goal of this study was to gain a better understanding of the relationship between non-verbal auditory disorders and developmental dyslexia. This question has led to conflicting results in the literature, which we argued might be due to a failure to consider the heterogeneity of dyslexic profiles. This study included three groups of adult participants: unimpaired readers and dyslexic readers with or without a phonological deficit. Auditory temporal processing deficits, as measured by stream segregation thresholds, were present in most dyslexic participants with phonological disorders. In contrast, most dyslexic participants with preserved phonological skills had normal auditory stream segregation thresholds. Overall, the present study leads to a better understanding of the relationship between phonological and sequential auditory processing disorders in developmental dyslexia. In addition, it demonstrates for the first time the importance of considering the heterogeneity of individual cognitive profiles when investigating the role of auditory deficits in developmental dyslexia.

Impaired integration of object knowledge and visual input in a case of ventral simultanagnosia with bilateral damage to area V4.

This study examines how brain damage can affect the cognitive processes that support the integration of sensory input and prior knowledge during shape perception. It is based on the first detailed study of acquired ventral simultanagnosia, which was found in a patient (M.T.) with posterior occipitotemporal lesions encompassing V4 bilaterally. Despite showing normal object recognition for single items in both accuracy and response times (RTs), and intact low-level vision assessed across an extensive battery of tests, M.T. was impaired in object identification with overlapping figures displays. Task performance was modulated by familiarity: Unlike controls, M.T. was faster with overlapping displays of abstract shapes than with overlapping displays of common objects. His performance with overlapping common object displays was also influenced by both the semantic relatedness and visual similarity of the display items. These findings challenge claims that visual perception is driven solely by feedforward mechanisms and show how brain damage can selectively impair high-level perceptual processes supporting the integration of stored knowledge and visual sensory input.

Inflectional spelling deficits in developmental dyslexia.

The goal of this study was to examine past-tense spelling deficits in developmental dyslexia and their relationship to phonological abilities, spoken morphological awareness and word specific orthographic memory. Three groups of children (28 9-year-old dyslexic, 28 chronological age-matched and 28 reading/spelling age-matched children) completed a battery of tests including spelling regularly inflected words (e.g., kissed) and matched one-morpheme words (e.g., wrist). They were also assessed on a range of tests of reading and spelling abilities and associated linguistic measures. Dyslexic children were impaired in relation to chronological age-matched controls on all measures. Furthermore, they were significantly poorer than younger reading and spelling age-matched controls at spelling inflected verbs, supporting the existence of a specific deficit in past-tense spelling in dyslexia. In addition to under-using the -ed spelling on inflected verbs, the dyslexic children were less likely to erroneously apply this spelling to one-morpheme words than younger controls. Dyslexics were also poorer than younger controls at using a consistent spelling for stems presented in isolation versus as part of an inflected word, indicating that they make less use of the morphological relations between words to support their spelling. In line with this interpretation, regression analyses revealed another qualitative difference between the spelling and reading age-matched group and the dyslexic group: while both spoken morphological awareness and orthographic word specific memory were significant predictors of the accuracy of past-tense spelling in the former group, only orthographic memory (irregular word reading and spelling) was a significant factor in the dyslexic group. Finally, we identified a subgroup of seven dyslexic children who were severely deficient in past-tense spelling. This subgroup was also significantly worse than other dyslexics and than younger controls on scores of orthographic memory. The implications of our findings for teaching and remediation strategies are discussed.

Do reading processes differ in transparent versus opaque orthographies? A study of acquired dyslexia in Welsh/English bilinguals.

In English, the relationship between the written and spoken forms of words is relatively opaque, leading to proposals that skilled reading requires two procedures: (a) a sublexical grapheme/phoneme conversion process allowing the correct reading of regular words (CAT) and new or pseudowords (ZAT); (b) a lexical process necessary to read irregular words accurately (TWO) and assumed to be the dominant process for familiar words. However, it has been argued that the sublexical process may be sufficient in highly transparent languages such as Welsh. If this is the case, damage to the sublexical process may lead to more severe deficits in transparent languages due to the lack of an alternative lexical process. To test this hypothesis, we compared Welsh and English oral reading and written-word recognition and comprehension in seven bilingual stroke participants with comparably impaired pseudoword reading in English and Welsh. Performance was remarkably similar across languages. Irrespective of the language tested, words were read more accurately than pseudowords. Lexical decision and word comprehension were as accurate in Welsh and in English, and when imageability effects were present they were of a similar size in both languages. This study does not support the hypothesis that orthographic transparency determines the nature of cognitive reading processes, but rather suggests that readers develop a sight vocabulary through reading experience irrespective of orthographic transparency.

Behavioral and ERP evidence for amodal sluggish attentional shifting in developmental dyslexia.

The goal of this study was to examine the claim that amodal deficits in attentional shifting may be the source of reading acquisition disorders in phonological developmental dyslexia (sluggish attentional shifting, SAS, theory, Hari & Renvall, 2001). We investigated automatic attentional shifting in the auditory and visual modalities in 13 dyslexic young adults with a phonological awareness deficit and 13 control participants, matched for cognitive abilities, using both behavioral and ERP measures. We tested automatic attentional shifting using a stream segregation task (perception of rapid succession of visual and auditory stimuli as one or two streams). Results of Experiment 1(behavioral) suggested that in order to process two successive stimuli separately dyslexic participants required a significantly longer inter-stimulus interval than controls regardless of sensory modality. In Experiment 2 (ERPs), the same participants were tested by means of an auditory and a visual oddball tasks involving variations in the tempo of the same alternating stimuli as Experiment 1. P3b amplitudes elicited by deviant tempos were differently modulated between groups, supporting predictions made on the basis of observations in Experiment 1. Overall, these results support the hypothesis that SAS in dyslexic participants might be responsible for their atypical perception of rapid sequential stimulus sequences in both the auditory and the visual modalities. Furthermore, these results bring new evidence supporting the link between amodal SAS and the phonological impairment in developmental dyslexia.

Auditory and visual stream segregation in children and adults: an assessment of the amodality assumption of the 'sluggish attentional shifting' theory of dyslexia.

Among the hypotheses relating dyslexia to a temporal processing disorder, Hari and Renvall (Hari, R., Renvall, H., 2001. Impaired processing of rapid stimulus sequences in dyslexia. Trends. Cognit. Sci. 5, 525-532.) argued that dyslexic individuals would show difficulties at an attentional level, through sluggish attentional shifting (SAS) in all sensory modalities. However, the amodality assumption of the SAS theory was never straightforwardly assessed in the same group of dyslexic participants using similar paradigms in both the visual and auditory modalities. Here, the attentional sequential performance of control and dyslexic participants was evaluated using rapid serial presentation paradigms measuring individual stream segregation thresholds in the two modalities. The first experiment conducted on French dyslexic children with a phonological disorder revealed an SAS only in the auditory modality only which was strongly related to reading performance. The second experiment carried out on British dyslexic young adults with a phonological disorder using the same auditory segregation task but a different visual paradigm revealed an SAS in both the visual and the auditory modalities. In addition, a relationship was found in this group between SAS, poor reading and poor phonological skills. Two further control experiments showed that differences in task design or participants' language between Experiments 1 and 2 could not account for the differences in terms of visual segregation patterns. Overall, our results support the view that the auditory SAS plays a role in developmental dyslexia via its impact on phonological abilities. In addition, a visual temporal disorder in dyslexia might emerge at a later developmental stage, when the visual system normally becomes more expert at rapid temporal processing.

Developmental dyslexia: the visual attention span deficit hypothesis.

The visual attention (VA) span is defined as the amount of distinct visual elements which can be processed in parallel in a multi-element array. Both recent empirical data and theoretical accounts suggest that a VA span deficit might contribute to developmental dyslexia, independently of a phonological disorder. In this study, this hypothesis was assessed in two large samples of French and British dyslexic children whose performance was compared to that of chronological-age matched control children. Results of the French study show that the VA span capacities account for a substantial amount of unique variance in reading, as do phonological skills. The British study replicates this finding and further reveals that the contribution of the VA span to reading performance remains even after controlling IQ, verbal fluency, vocabulary and single letter identification skills, in addition to phoneme awareness. In both studies, most dyslexic children exhibit a selective phonological or VA span disorder. Overall, these findings support a multi-factorial view of developmental dyslexia. In many cases, developmental reading disorders do not seem to be due to phonological disorders. We propose that a VA span deficit is a likely alternative underlying cognitive deficit in dyslexia.

Age of acquisition modulates the amplitude of the P300 component in spoken word recognition.

Words acquired earlier in life are easier to process in adulthood than words acquired later; this is known as the age of acquisition (AoA) effect. The goal of this study was to establish whether the P300 component of event-related potentials (ERPs) is sensitive to AoA. Early-acquired words (12.5%), late-acquired words (12.5%) and pseudo-words (75%) were presented in an auditory lexical decision task. The two sets of words were matched for length, word type, concreteness, imageability and, crucially, word frequency. Early-acquired words were recognised faster and more accurately than late-acquired words. In addition, AoA modulated ERP activity in centroparietal electrode sites, with early-acquired words eliciting a larger positivity (P300) than late-acquired words. This is the first study to demonstrate an ERP correlate of AoA effects. An important implication of our findings is that AoA may need to be controlled in ERP studies of lexical processing, especially in designs in which it is likely to be a confound (e.g., studies of lexical category effects).

The cognitive deficits responsible for developmental dyslexia: review of evidence for a selective visual attentional disorder.

There is strong converging evidence suggesting that developmental dyslexia stems from a phonological processing deficit. However, this hypothesis has been challenged by the widely admitted heterogeneity of the dyslexic population, and by several reports of dyslexic individuals with no apparent phonological deficit. In this paper, we discuss the hypothesis that a phonological deficit may not be the only core deficit in developmental dyslexia and critically examine several alternative proposals. To establish that a given cognitive deficit is causally related to dyslexia, at least two conditions need to be fulfilled. First, the hypothesized deficit needs to be associated with developmental dyslexia independently of additional phonological deficits. Second, the hypothesized deficit must predict reading ability, on both empirical and theoretical grounds. While most current hypotheses fail to fulfil these criteria, we argue that the visual attentional deficit hypothesis does. Recent studies providing evidence for the independence of phonological and visual attentional deficits in developmental dyslexia are reviewed together with empirical data showing that phonological and visual attentional processing skills contribute independently to reading performance. A theoretical model of reading is outlined in support of a causal link between a visual attentional disorder and a failure in reading acquisition.

The integration of information across lexical and sublexical processes in spelling.

We report on a brain-injured subject, LAT, who made phonologically plausible errors in word spelling (e.g., "bouquet" spelled as BOUKET). Although many of his errors are phonologically plausible they contained low-frequency (yet lexically correct) spellings (/ei/ spelled as ET in BOUK ET). Because these errors are phonologically plausible they do not appear to have been generated by the lexical process, yet because they contain low probability, lexically correct elements they do not appear to be have been generated by the sublexical process. We present analyses that specifically support the conclusion that many of LAT's phonologically plausible responses to word stimuli consist of the integrated output of elements generated by both the lexical and sublexical processes. This evidence constitutes strong support for the notion that lexical and sublexical processes share information during the course of spelling a familiar word.