A qualitative exploration of harm reduction in practice by street-based peer outreach workers.

BACKGROUND: Despite the widespread use of the phrase "harm reduction" and the proliferation of programs based on its principles during the current opioid epidemic, what it means in practice is not universally agreed upon. Harm reduction strategies have expanded from syringe and needle exchange programs that emerged in the mid-1980s primarily in response to the HIV epidemic, to include medication for opioid use disorder, supervised consumption rooms, naloxone distribution, and drug checking technologies such as fentanyl test strips. Harm reduction can often be in tension with abstinence and recovery models to address substance use, and people who use drugs may also hold competing views of what harm reduction means in practice. Street-based outreach workers are increasingly incorporated into harm reduction programs as part of efforts to engage with people more fully in various stages of drug use and nonuse. METHOD: This paper explores how peer outreach workers, called "members," in a street-based naloxone distribution program define and practice harm reduction. We interviewed 15 members of a street-based harm reduction organization in an urban center characterized by an enduring opioid epidemic. Inductive data analysis explored harm reduction as both a set of principles and a set of practices to understand how frontline providers define and enact them. RESULTS: Analysis revealed that when members talked about their work, they often conceptualized harm reduction as a collection of ways members and others can "save lives" and support people who use drugs. They also framed harm reduction as part of a "path toward recovery." This path was complicated and nonlinear but pursued a common goal of life without drug use and its residual effects. These findings suggest the need to develop harm reduction programs that incorporate both harm reduction and recovery to best meet the needs of people who use drugs and align with the value systems of implementers.

Community-engaged training in informed consent.

Inadequate training in the interpersonal skills of conducting informed consent conversations has long been noted as a challenge for clinical research recruitment and retention. To address this critical gap, Tufts Clinical and Translational Science Institute developed regular trainings for clinical research coordinators and other research staff on the practical skills of communicating informed consent using community members as simulated patients for role-playing exercises. In this paper, we assess the reach and effectiveness of these trainings and describe the impact of employing community stakeholders as simulated patients. We found that by embedding community members in the trainings, clinical research coordinators get to hear diverse perspectives, experience a range of patient responses, and learn from the lived experience of the communities that research tries to serve. Utilizing community members as trainers also helps to dismantle traditional power dynamics by demonstrating the organization's commitment to inclusiveness and community engagement. Based on these findings, we suggest that training on informed consent include more simulated consent exercises that feature interaction with community members who can provide real-time feedback to coordinators.

Racial Disparities in Drug Arrest Before and After De Facto Decriminalization in Baltimore.

INTRODUCTION: To mitigate the harms of arrest and incarceration on health and racial equity, jurisdictions are increasingly enacting reforms to decriminalize drug possession through prosecutorial discretion (de facto). Impacts on health outcomes rely on whether this policy can reduce exposure to the carceral system among people who use drugs; however, data evaluating effects on arrest are lacking. This study explores the possible impacts of Baltimore City's enactment of de facto decriminalization on arrests by race. METHODS: Police and court records were used to explore the possible impacts of Baltimore City's de facto decriminalization on street arrests and (processed) arrests advancing through the courts among people who use drugs. Interrupted time series models were used to compare pre-policy (January 2018-March 2020) trends with post-policy (April 2020-December 2021) trends in arrests for possession of drugs/paraphernalia and estimate racial disparities in street arrests (Black versus other races). Analyses were performed in February-May 2022. RESULTS: The policy was associated with a significant and immediate decline in street and processed arrests for possession, which was not seen for other crime categories. Although declines were concentrated in the Black community, disparities in arresting persisted after the policy. CONCLUSIONS: De facto decriminalization may be a promising strategy to reduce exposure to the carceral system, an established risk factor for overdose and other drug-related sequelae and a driver of racial disparities in the U.S. Further research is needed to elucidate the drivers of persisting racial disparities and disentangle policy effects from pandemic-related closures.

Racial resentment and support for decriminalization of drug possession in the United States.

Drug criminalization creates significant barriers to prevention and treatment of substance use disorders and racial equity objectives, and removal of criminal penalties for drug possession is increasingly being endorsed by health and justice advocates. We present empirical data estimating the share of U.S. adults who support eliminating criminal penalties for possession of all illicit drugs, and examine factors associated with public support. Data from the Johns Hopkins COVID-19 Civic Life and Public Health Survey, a probability-based nationally representative sample of 1222 U.S. adults, was collected from November 11-30, 2020. Support for decriminalizing drug possession was assessed overall and by sociodemographic factors and attitudes towards politics and race. Correlates of support were examined using multivariable logistic regression. Thirty-five percent of adults supported eliminating criminal penalties for drug possession in the U.S. In adjusted regression models, respondents who were younger or identified as politically liberal were more likely to support decriminalization relative to other groups, and respondents who were Hispanic or identified strongly with their religious beliefs were less likely to support decriminalization. Among white respondents, greater racial resentment was strongly associated with reduced support for drug decriminalization. Support for drug decriminalization varies considerably by beliefs about politics and race, with racial resentment among white Americans potentially comprising a barrier to drug policy reform. Findings can inform communication and advocacy efforts to promote drug policy reform in the United States.

External resilience in the context of drug use and socio-structural vulnerabilities: a qualitative exploration among women who use drugs and sell sex in Baltimore, Maryland.

BACKGROUND: Resilience is a commonly used construct in substance use and mental health research. Yet it is often narrowly defined by only its internal qualities (e.g., adaptability, hardiness) and overlooks its external qualities (e.g., supportive relationships, navigating one's environment). Further, substance use is often viewed as antithetical to resilience despite populations like women who use drugs and sell sex (WWUD-SS) surviving significant hardships. This study aims to fill a gap in the literature by characterizing external resilience among WWUD-SS and understanding the ways that socio-structural vulnerabilities (e.g., poverty, stigma) and substance use shape external resilience. METHODS: WWUD-SS (N = 18) enrolled in an ongoing cohort study were purposively sampled for age, race, and recruitment location and participated in semi-structured, in-depth interviews aimed to elucidate external resilience (i.e., social support and resource utilization). WWUD-SS were queried about recent difficult experiences with a focus on how they did or did not use social support or formal resources (e.g., clinic, crisis hotline) in response. RESULTS: Participants were a median age of 37 years, 50% identified as Black, and 50% reported currently injecting drugs. Participants described reluctance to ask for support and often felt resigned to address problems alone. Participants also distinguished between transactional relationships (help is contingent upon receiving something in return) versus genuine (non-transactional or altruistic) support, including the role of family members who do and do not use drugs. Resource utilization was rare, and "self-medication" through substance use was common absent other perceived options for help. CONCLUSIONS: External resilience appears limited among WWUD-SS and shaped by the social and economic contexts of a street-involved life. WWUD-SS' ability to exercise external resilience may be undercut by experiencing structural vulnerabilities and competition for material resources that create transactional relationships and diminish the perceived value of social support. Internalized stigma, reflecting the larger society's stigmatized views of drug use, sex work, and poverty, left WWUD-SS eschewing help from outside sources. Focus on internal resilience alone offers an incomplete picture of the construct in drug-using populations. Improving connections to community resources may be a targeted way to strengthen external resilience, as are policies addressing structural vulnerabilities for marginalized communities.

Acceptability of Overdose Prevention Sites in the Business Community in Baltimore, Maryland.

Intervetions are urgently needed to reduce the trajectory of the US opioid overdose epidemic, yet implementation is often hampered by resistance or opposition from key community stakeholders. While businesses are economically and physically impacted by the opioid epidemic, they are rarely engaged in efforts to reduce its impact. The establishment of overdose prevention sites (OPS) is being discussed throughout many US jurisdictions with limited attention to the potential positive role of businesses in that process. We surveyed business owners and employees of businesses located in neighborhoods with concentrated drug markets. The study's primary aim was to examine their attitudes to locally-placed OPS. An iterative, two-phase sampling strategy was used to identify recruitment zones. In person (December 2019-March 2020) and telephone-based (April-July 2020) surveys were administered to distinct business owners and employees (N = 149). Sixty-five percent of participants supported OPS in their neighborhood and 47% had recently witnessed an overdose in or around their workplace. While 70% had heard of naloxone, and 38% reported having it on the premises. Correlates of supporting an OPS locally included living in the same neighborhood as work (adjusted odds ratio (aOR) 1.99, 95% confidence intervals (CI): 1.30-3.05); having a more positive attitude towards people who use drugs (aOR 1.33, 95% CI: 1.13-1.58); and having recently seen an overdose in/around the workplace (aOR 2.86, 95% CI: 1.11-7.32). Lack of support being an owner (aOR 0.35, 95% CI: 0.15-0.83). These data indicate the extent to which businesses are directly impacted by the opioid epidemic and the power of personal experience in shaping OPS support in advocacy efforts.

Businesses in high drug use areas as potential sources of naloxone during overdose emergencies.

INTRODUCTION: Naloxone distribution remains a cornerstone of a public health approach to combating the ongoing opioid overdose crisis. Most distribution programs focus on providing naloxone to individuals who use drugs or those closely associated with them (e.g., family). Utilizing businesses as fixed location sources of naloxone could be a valuable supplemental strategy to preventing fatal overdoses that is underexplored in the literature. METHODS: We surveyed business owners and employees (N = 149) located in neighborhoods characterized by high rates of drug use in Baltimore City. Participants reported their interactions with people who use drugs as well as if they had heard of naloxone, if the business had naloxone on the premises, and how many employees were trained to use naloxone. RESULTS: Most participants reported seeing individuals under the influence of drugs (93%), public drug use (80%), and overdose (66%) while at work. 66% of participants had heard of naloxone. Among those who had heard of naloxone, only 39% reported that there was a naloxone kit in the business and 28% of businesses had multiple employees trained to use naloxone. CONCLUSIONS: Businesses are underutilized as potential reliable sources of naloxone. While study participants reported high levels of exposure to drug use and overdose in and around their businesses, their ability to intervene was limited. Efforts to train employees to respond to overdoses and to keep naloxone on site are warranted to supplement existing naloxone distribution efforts and can help empower business staff to help prevent overdose mortality in their communities.

HIV Risk Among Urban and Suburban People Who Inject Drugs: Elevated Risk Among Fentanyl and Cocaine Injectors in Maryland.

Drug overdose remains a leading cause of death in the US, with growing rates attributable to illicit fentanyl use. Recent HIV outbreaks among people who inject drugs (PWID) and service disruptions from COVID-19 have renewed concerns on HIV resurgence. We examined the relationship between fentanyl use and three injection-related HIV risk behaviors among PWID in Baltimore City (BC) and Anne Arundel Country (AAC), Maryland. PWID (N = 283) were recruited to the study through targeted sampling at street-based locations in BC and AAC from July 2018 to March 2020. Receptive syringe sharing (RSS) [adjusted odds ratio (AOR): 2.8, 95% confidence interval (CI): 1.2-6.3] and daily injecting (AOR: 1.9, 95% CI: 1.0-3.6) were associated with injecting fentanyl and cocaine together. Fentanyl availability and COVID-19 bring new HIV prevention challenges, particularly among those who inject fentanyl with cocaine, highlighting the importance to expand and sustain harm reduction, prevention, and treatment services for PWID to reduce HIV and overdose burden.

"I Know It Is Going to Ruin Their Life:" Fortune-Telling, Agency, and Harm Reduction in Narratives Concerning Injection Initiation Assistance.

BACKGROUND: Considering most people who inject drugs (PWID) received help with the first injection, understanding the perspective of potential 'initiators' is a priority to inform harm reduction interventions. This paper examines how PWID narrate their experiences with injection initiation and assistance from the lens of their lived experience and perceptions of harm reduction. METHODS: In-depth interviews were conducted with individuals who reported injection drug use and recent (past 30 days) opioid use in Baltimore (N = 19) and Anne Arundel County (N = 4), Maryland and analyzed using a narrative approach. RESULTS: Respondents cast initiation events as meaningful transitions to a life characterized by predictable harms, including homelessness, infections, and social stigma. Respondents used examples from their personal experience to explain experiences with initiation and assistance by strategically attributing personal agency and predicting specific injection-related harms for initiates. In their narratives, respondents balanced notions of individual agency with harm reduction intentions by distinguishing between two forms of harm: perceived inevitable distal harm caused by long-term injection (e.g. socioeconomic decline) and potentially avoidable proximal harm caused by risky injection practices (e.g. overdose, HIV). CONCLUSIONS: These findings highlight opportunities for interventions targeting injection initiation events and support the implementation of safer injection training in interventions. This identity of the 'responsible drug user' could be leveraged to support employing peers to help mitigate harm among inexperienced PWID either through peer outreach or formal venues, such as overdose prevention sites.

"We know the streets:" race, place, and the politics of harm reduction.

This paper explores how a peer-and street-based naloxone distribution program (Bmore POWER) reshapes narratives and practices around drug use and harm reduction in an urban context with an enduring opioid epidemic. Data collection included observations of Bmore POWER outreach events and interviews with peers. Bmore POWER members create a sense of community responsibility around overdose prevention and reconfigure overdose hotspots from places of ambivalence to places of grassroots action. It expands a harm reduction approach to Black communities that have not traditionally embraced it and that have been underserved by drug treatment programs. Policy makers should consider ways to use peers grounded in specific communities to expand other aspects of harm reduction, such as syringe and support services.

Agency in the fentanyl era: Exploring the utility of fentanyl test strips in an opaque drug market.

BACKGROUND: In Baltimore, the emergence of fentanyl and its analogues exacerbated an existing heroin crisis and increased uncertainty about drug composition and potency. In an effort to reduce overdoses, harm reduction organizations and health departments across the U.S. began distributing fentanyl test strips, a low barrier, inexpensive drug checking strategy. Studies show that people who use drugs (PWUD) frequently suspect that their drugs contain fentanyl and are interested in using fentanyl test strips to check their drugs; however, some people question their usefulness in regions where fentanyl presence is assumed. Understanding the utility of fentanyl test strips in fentanyl-saturated markets is a priority to best tailor interventions. METHODS: In-depth interviews (N = 20) were conducted with individuals who reported recent (past 30 days) opioid use in Baltimore, MD. RESULTS: Fentanyl was viewed as pervasive, dangerous, and difficult to avoid in the local drug supply. This dominant narrative characterized PWUD as disempowered by the heightened unpredictability of the drug market. While several strategies are used to navigate the drug market, respondents wanted more information about their drugs. In this context, fentanyl test strips were used in unique and unexpected ways to empower PWUD to be savvier market consumers, including avoiding fentanyl when there could be negative social or legal consequences, negotiating with dealers, and helping others in their social network navigate the opaque drug market. CONCLUSION: These findings add nuance and place fentanyl preference and use in the context of the drug market. When fentanyl presence is assumed, people used fentanyl test strips in unexpected ways to gain some control over their drug use. Novel uses for fentanyl test strips strengthen existing strategies used to navigate the drug market and mitigate overdose risk, and highlight their potential to quickly disseminate valuable information about the local drug supply.