RESUMEN
Medical-legal partnerships (MLPs) are well suited to address health-harming legal needs associated with the collateral consequences of mass incarceration in the United States, such as those that limit access to food, housing, employment, and family reunification postrelease. MLP innovations seek to expand the current model to address patients' criminal, as well as postrelease, civil legal needs by including community health workers and some patients as legal partners and creating coalitions to promote local and state policy change. Overall, this article explains how these MLP innovations can support rights of people returning to communities after incarceration and can be leveraged to mitigate criminal legal system involvement.
Asunto(s)
Prisioneros , Humanos , Estados Unidos , Prisioneros/psicología , Derecho Penal , Agentes Comunitarios de Salud , Derechos Civiles/legislación & jurisprudencia , Conducta Cooperativa , Criminales/psicologíaRESUMEN
Emmanuel-Joseph Sieyès's 1795 proposal for a Constitutional Jury is usually portrayed as the first proposal for an institution to control the constitutionality of laws, and thus the ancestor of the modern constitutional court. Challenging this view, this article resituates the Constitutional Jury in a broader transatlantic tradition concerned with creating a conservative power, a non-judicial and explicitly political constitutional guardian, and demonstrates the influence of the 1776 Pennsylvania Council of Censors on Sieyès's Constitutional Jury. Drawing upon the insights provided by this tradition, it then reevaluates the history of constitutionalism and the contemporary crisis of constitutional guardianship.
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Constitución y Estatutos , Pennsylvania , Historia del Siglo XVIII , Política , Francia , Derechos Civiles/historia , Derechos Civiles/legislación & jurisprudencia , Jurisprudencia/historiaRESUMEN
In Students for Fair Admissions v. President and Fellows of Harvard College and Students for Fair Admissions v. University of North Carolina, the Supreme Court ruled that affirmative action in university admissions, in which an applicant of a particular race or ethnicity receives a plus factor, is unconstitutional. This ruling was based on both the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. This article argues that a more natural fit as the basis for constitutional analysis would be a different clause in the Fourteenth Amendment, the Privileges or Immunities Clause. In the article, a legal analysis based on the clause is applied to medical school admissions. Depending on whether a fundamental rights reading or an antidiscrimination (equality) reading of the clause is applied, opposite conclusions are reached on the constitutionality of affirmative action in medical school admissions. This analysis demonstrates why affirmative action in admissions--in this case medical school admissions, which directly affect the composition of the Nation's physician workforce--is a complex and difficult constitutional question.
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Criterios de Admisión Escolar , Facultades de Medicina , Humanos , Facultades de Medicina/legislación & jurisprudencia , Estados Unidos , Educación Médica/legislación & jurisprudencia , Decisiones de la Corte Suprema , Derechos Civiles/legislación & jurisprudenciaRESUMEN
This Paper argues that to protect at-risk communities - and all Americans - from the deadly effects of environmental racism, Congress must pass the Environmental Justice for All Act. The Act is intended to "restore, reaffirm, and reconcile environmental justice and civil rights." It does so by restoring an individual's right to sue in federal court for discrimination based on race, ethnicity, or national origin regardless of intent under the Civil Rights Act of 1964, strengthening the National Environmental Policy Act, and providing economic incentives focused on environmental justice.
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Neoplasias , Racismo , Humanos , Racismo/legislación & jurisprudencia , Estados Unidos , Neoplasias/prevención & control , Derechos Civiles/legislación & jurisprudencia , Justicia AmbientalRESUMEN
Industry-funded religious liberty legal groups have sought to undermine healthcare policy and law while simultaneously attacking the rights of sexual and gender minorities. Whereas past scholarship has tracked religiously-affiliated healthcare providers' growing political power and attendant transformations to legal doctrine, our account emphasizes the political donors and visionaries who have leveraged religious providers and the U.S. healthcare system's delegated structure to transform social policy and bureaucratic agencies more generally.
Asunto(s)
Derechos Civiles , Política de Salud , Humanos , Derechos Civiles/legislación & jurisprudencia , Estados Unidos , Política de Salud/legislación & jurisprudencia , Minorías Sexuales y de Género/legislación & jurisprudencia , Gobierno Estatal , LibertadAsunto(s)
Derechos Civiles , Participación de la Comunidad , Médicos , Activismo Político , Política Pública , Edición , Racismo Sistemático , Humanos , Negro o Afroamericano , Derechos Civiles/historia , Derechos Civiles/legislación & jurisprudencia , Participación de la Comunidad/historia , Participación de la Comunidad/legislación & jurisprudencia , Políticas Editoriales , Historia del Siglo XX , Hospitales/historia , Medicare/economía , Medicare/historia , Publicaciones Periódicas como Asunto/historia , Médicos/economía , Médicos/historia , Médicos/legislación & jurisprudencia , Política Pública/historia , Política Pública/legislación & jurisprudencia , Edición/historia , Determinantes Sociales de la Salud/economía , Determinantes Sociales de la Salud/etnología , Determinantes Sociales de la Salud/historia , Determinantes Sociales de la Salud/legislación & jurisprudencia , Factores Sociológicos , Racismo Sistemático/etnología , Racismo Sistemático/historia , Estados Unidos , BlancoRESUMEN
Involuntary treatment is a complex dialectic balancing self-autonomy and the individual's right to consent to treatment with society's duty to protect those suffering from severe mental illness who are at risk of causing harm to themselves or others. When necessary, involuntary treatment should provide evidence-based and medically justified care, with sufficient oversight and due process to protect the rights of patients. Clinically, the issue is not whether involuntary treatment should ever be used, but rather what other services are needed to enhance the quality of care within comprehensive community systems of care, thus limiting or preventing the need for involuntary interventions while also improving the outcomes of individuals affected by severe mental illness.
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Tratamiento Involuntario , Trastornos Mentales , Humanos , Internamiento Obligatorio del Enfermo Mental , Trastornos Mentales/terapia , Derechos CivilesRESUMEN
Unaccompanied immigrant children continue to arrive at the US-Mexico border and are at high risk for ongoing abuse, neglect, and poor mental and physical health. We are medical and legal experts in the fields of immigrant and refugee health, child abuse, and the legal rights of international refugee and migrant children. We provide an overview of US federal agencies with custody of unaccompanied immigrant children, a summary of medical care provided while in custody, and recent findings from the independent Juvenile Care Monitor Report mandating new custodial conditions for immigrant children while in federal custody. We provide recommendations to improve the health and well-being of unaccompanied immigrant children while in custody and once released to US sponsors. (Am J Public Health. 2024;114(3):340-346. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2023.307570).
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Maltrato a los Niños , Servicios de Salud del Niño , Emigrantes e Inmigrantes , Refugiados , Migrantes , Niño , Humanos , Derechos CivilesRESUMEN
Should people have a legal human right to health? And, if so, what exactly does protecting this right require? This essay defends some answers to these questions recently articulated in Global Health Impact. It explains how these answers depend on a particular way of thinking about health and the minimally good life, how quality of life matters at and over time, what various agents should do to help people who are unable to live well enough, and many other things. Moreover, it suggests some ways of improving common metrics for measuring and advancing our collective global health impact.
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Salud Global , Calidad de Vida , Humanos , Derechos CivilesRESUMEN
Many believe the existence of a moral right to some good should lead to recognition of a corresponding legal right to that good. If, for instance, there is a moral right to healthcare, it is natural to believe countries should recognize a legal right to healthcare. This article demonstrates that justifying legal rights to healthcare is more difficult than many assume. The existence of a moral right is insufficient to justify recognition of a corresponding justiciable constitutional right. Further conditions on when it is appropriate to recognize constitutional rights are rarely satisfied in the healthcare case. And focusing on aspirational or statutory rights presents costs for those seeking to justify legal rights on the basis of corresponding moral ones while maintaining empirical challenges for justifying constitutional rights. This suggests movement from a moral right to a corresponding legal one is far from straightforward and justifies examining alternative means of realizing moral socio-economic rights such as the proposed moral right to healthcare.
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Derechos Civiles , Principios Morales , HumanosRESUMEN
This article addresses the mental health rights of unaccompanied children, the ways in which the US immigration system does not sufficiently support children's mental health, and how clinicians can play a role in meeting immigrant children's mental health needs.
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Emigrantes e Inmigrantes , Refugiados , Niño , Humanos , Salud Mental , Accesibilidad a los Servicios de Salud , Derechos Humanos , Derechos Civiles , Gobierno , Refugiados/psicologíaRESUMEN
Policy Points People with disabilities experience a vicious cycle of poverty, poor health, and marginalization partly because of the inequitable implementation and enforcement of laws, including underenforcement of civil rights and housing laws and overenforcement of punitive nuisance and criminal laws. Inequitable enforcement reflects policy choices that prioritize powerful entities (e.g., landlords, developers) to the detriment of people who experience intersectional structural discrimination based on, for example, race, disability, and income. Equitable enforcement, a process of ensuring compliance with the law while considering and minimizing harms to marginalized people, can promote health and disability justice by increasing access to safe, stable, and accessible housing.
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Personas con Discapacidad , Vivienda , Humanos , Promoción de la Salud , Derechos Civiles , Derecho Penal , Aplicación de la LeyRESUMEN
The potential to collect brain data more directly, with higher resolution, and in greater amounts has heightened worries about mental and brain privacy. In order to manage the risks to individuals posed by these privacy challenges, some have suggested codifying new privacy rights, including a right to "mental privacy." In this paper, we consider these arguments and conclude that while neurotechnologies do raise significant privacy concerns, such concerns are-at least for now-no different from those raised by other well-understood data collection technologies, such as gene sequencing tools and online surveillance. To better understand the privacy stakes of brain data, we suggest the use of a conceptual framework from information ethics, Helen Nissenbaum's "contextual integrity" theory. To illustrate the importance of context, we examine neurotechnologies and the information flows they produce in three familiar contexts-healthcare and medical research, criminal justice, and consumer marketing. We argue that by emphasizing what is distinct about brain privacy issues, rather than what they share with other data privacy concerns, risks weakening broader efforts to enact more robust privacy law and policy.
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Encéfalo , Privacidad , Humanos , Derechos CivilesRESUMEN
Resumo O direito à morte digna é majoritariamente ignorado pelo ordenamento brasileiro. Essa invisibilidade do processo de finitude e suas consequências são tema deste estudo, que objetiva realizar um levantamento exploratório para identificar pontos relevantes que devem ser desenvolvidos para garantir um processo de finitude digno. Foram analisadas 50 publicações, mediante levantamento online e físico de obras publicadas até março de 2023. Os estudos analisados expressam preocupação com dilemas éticos do cuidar do ser humano em finitude, mas não analisam formas existentes de tutela da finitude nem quais searas ainda são carentes de normatização para dar eficácia a esse cuidado. Espera-se que esta pesquisa contribua para fortalecer o olhar crítico ao tema, considerando as atuais tutelas da finitude, os limites legais do Estado e os potenciais passos futuros para fazer avançar os estudos aplicados à atualização prática do ordenamento brasileiro.
Abstract The right to a dignified death is largely overlooked by Brazilian law. This neglect of the end-of-life process and its ramifications is the focus of this study, which aims at an exploratory survey to identify pertinent aspects requiring development to ensure a dignified end-of-life experience. In total, 50 publications were examined with online and physical surveys of works published up to March 2023. They express concerns regarding ethical dilemmas in caring for individuals nearing the end of life, yet they do not delve into existing mechanisms for safeguarding end-of-life dignity or identify areas that still lack standardization to ensure effective care. This study should contribute to the enhancement of critical perspectives on the issue of end-of-life experiences, considering current safeguards, the legal boundaries set by the State, and potential future strides toward advancing studies aimed at the practical update of the Brazilian legal system.
Resumen El derecho a una muerte digna es ampliamente ignorado por el ordenamiento jurídico brasileño. Esta invisibilidad del proceso de finitud y sus consecuencias son el objeto de este estudio, que tiene como objetivo realizar una encuesta exploratoria para identificar los puntos relevantes que deben desarrollarse para garantizar un proceso de finitud digno. Se analizaron 50 publicaciones a través de una encuesta online y física de obras publicadas hasta marzo de 2023. Los estudios analizados expresan preocupación por los dilemas éticos de la atención a seres humanos en finitud, pero no analizan las formas de protección a la finitud existentes ni cuáles son las áreas que aún necesitan regulación para hacer efectiva esta atención. Se espera que esta investigación contribuya a fortalecer la visión crítica de la finitud, considerando la protección actual de la finitud, los límites jurídicos del Estado y los posibles pasos futuros para avanzar en los estudios aplicados a la actualización práctica del sistema jurídico brasileño.
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Derecho a Morir , Derechos Civiles , Cuidados Paliativos al Final de la Vida , Valor de la Vida , Derechos HumanosRESUMEN
How much do citizens value democracy? How willing are they to sacrifice their liberties and voting rights for growth, equality, or other social outcomes? We design a conjoint experiment in nationally representative surveys in Brazil, France, and the United States in which respondents choose between different societies that randomly vary in their economic outcomes (country income, income inequality, social mobility), political outcomes (democracy, public health insurance), and the level of personal income for each respondent. Our research allows us to estimate the respondents' willingness to trade off democracy for individual income (as well as other societal attributes). We find that, on average, individuals are strongly attached to democracy and a robust welfare state. They prefer to live in a country without free democratic elections only if their individual income multiplies by at least three times and in a country without public health insurance only if their individual income more than doubles. After estimating these preferences at the individual level for all respondents, we show that, although there is an authoritarian minority in all three countries, forming a nondemocratic majority (by offering more income and/or other goods to respondents) is very unlikely. Our findings imply that, contrary to a growing discussion about the crisis of democracy, liberal democratic values remain substantially robust in high and middle income democracies.