An Observational Study of the Implementation of the Tobacco-Free Film and Television Policy in India.

Background: Positive portrayals of tobacco use in entertainment media can normalize and perpetuate use. In 2012, the Government of India implemented the Tobacco-Free Film and Television Rules, a first-of-its-kind comprehensive regulation to restrict tobacco depiction in films and television programs. Two complementary studies were undertaken to assess the implementation of the film rules on television and in movie theaters. Methods: In the first part, movie theater observations and exit surveys were conducted from Feb. 3 to March 24, 2015. In total, 308 movie theaters were selected for the observation of films. A total of 3080 exit surveys were conducted to assess moviegoers' reactions toward the film rule. The second part comprised the systematic observation of 424 prerecorded television programs that aired from Nov. 20 to Dec. 30, 2015. Results: Compliance with the Tobacco-Free Film and Television Rules policy was lower on television than in movie theaters. While 66% of television programs with tobacco scenes implemented at least 1 of the 3 elements of the film rule, not a single program executed all required elements correctly. In movie theaters, 99% of films that contained tobacco scenes implemented at least one element of the film rule. However, all elements of the film rules were implemented correctly during 27% of the films observed. Exit surveys showed that among moviegoers who recalled viewing at least one element of the film rule, there was increased concern about tobacco's harms and intentions to quit. Conclusion: Implementation of the film rules was higher in movie theaters than on television, though there were gaps in implementation for both. Despite inconsistent application, audience reactions to the anti-tobacco messages were favorable, with increased concern about tobacco's harms and intention to quit. Overall, the film rules offer a strong tool for countering tobacco promotion, reaching hundreds of millions with anti-tobacco messaging.

How the "Are We Drinking Ourselves Sick?" Communication Campaign Built Support for Policy Action on Sugary Drinks in Jamaica.

Background: This study assesses the effectiveness of a campaign "Are We Drinking Ourselves Sick?" that ran nationally in Jamaica in four phases from 2017 to 2019 to increase knowledge about the harms of sugary drinks, shift attitudes, and build support for policy actions to address sugary drink consumption, including a tax and a ban in schools. Methods: Campaign impact was measured in representative cross-sectional household surveys of adults ages 18 to 55. A baseline survey was conducted before the launch of the campaign (n = 1430). Evaluation surveys were conducted mid-campaign (n = 1571) and post-campaign (n = 1500). Campaign impact was assessed by comparing changes across survey periods on key knowledge, attitudinal and policy support outcome indicators. The independent association between campaign awareness and outcomes was analyzed using logistic regression analyses. Results: The campaign was recalled by more than 80% of respondents and was well-received with 90% or more respondents describing it as believable and relevant. There was a decline in knowledge on the harms of sugary drinks from the baseline to post-campaign period, notably on risks of diabetes (adjusted odds ratio or AOR = 0.62, p < 0.001), overweight and obesity (AOR = 0.58, p < 0.001), and heart disease (AOR = 0.79, p < 0.003). However, post-campaign awareness was independently associated in logistic regression analysis with improved knowledge of the harms of sugary drinks, including risks of diabetes (AOR = 1.45, p = 0.019), overweight or obesity (AOR = 1.65, p = 0.001), and heart disease (AOR = 1.44, p = 0.011). Support for government action remained high across survey waves (≥90%), and campaign awareness was independently associated with increased policy support for sugary drinks taxes (Mid-campaign: AOR = 1.43, p = 0.019; post-campaign: AOR = 1.46, p = 0.01) and restrictions on sugary drinks in schools (AOR = 1.55, p = 0.01). Conclusion: This study demonstrates the role that media campaigns can play in maintaining knowledge and concern about the health harms of sugary drinks and increasing support for policy passage.

Trends in tobacco, alcohol and branded fast-food imagery in Bollywood films, 1994-2013.

BACKGROUND AND AIMS: Exposure to tobacco, alcohol and fast-food use in films is associated with initiation of these behaviours. India is the world's largest film producer, but the extent of such imagery in Bollywood (Hindi cinema) films is unclear. We therefore aimed to describe the extent of and trends in tobacco, alcohol and fast-food imagery in Bollywood films, between 1994-2013. METHODS: For the 15 top-grossing films each year between 1994-2013, the number of five-minute intervals containing product images were determined separately for tobacco, alcohol and fast-food. Both the proportion of films containing at least one image occurrence, and occurrences per film, were described overall and by year. Negative binomial regression described associations between film rating and occurrences/film, and estimated time-trends in occurrences/film, adjusted for rating. RESULTS: We analysed 93 U-rated (unrestricted), 150 U/A-rated (parental guidance for children aged <12 years) and 55 A-rated (restricted to adult audience) films, containing 9,226 five-minute intervals (mean intervals/film 30.8, SD 4.0). 70% (n = 210), 93% (n = 278) and 21% (n = 62) of films contained at least one tobacco, alcohol and fast-food occurrence, respectively. Corresponding total mean occurrences/film were 4.0 (SD 4.9), 7.0 (4.7) and 0.4 (0.9). Tobacco occurrences were more common in U/A films (incidence rate ratio 1.49, 95% confidence interval 1.06-2.09) and A films (2.95; 1.95-4.48) than U-rated films. Alcohol occurrences were also more common in A-rated films than U-rated films (1.48; 1.15-1.85). Tobacco occurrences/film became less common over the observed period (adjusted trend -4% per annum; -2 to -7%; p <0.001), while alcohol (+2%; 0-3%; p = 0.02), and fast food (+8%; 2-14%; p = 0.01) occurrences/film became more common. CONCLUSIONS: Although the extent of tobacco imagery in Bollywood films fell over 1994-2013, it is still frequently observed. Alcohol imagery is widespread, even in U-rated films, and trends in both alcohol and fast-food imagery are upwards.

Online media coverage of air pollution risks and current policies in India: A content analysis.

Background Air pollution is of particular concern in India, which contains 11 of the 20 most polluted cities in the world. Media coverage of air pollution issues plays an important role in influencing public opinion and increasing citizen demand for action on clean air policy. Hence, this study was designed to assess news coverage of air pollution in India and its implications for policy advancement. Methods Articles published online between 1 January 2014 and 31 October 2015 that discussed air pollution in India were systematically content analysed. From 6435 articles in the national media and 271 articles in the international media, a random selection of 500 articles (400 from national and 100 from international media) were analysed and coded by two independent coders, after high inter-rater reliability (kappa statistic above 0.8) was established. Results There was an increase in the number of news stories on air pollution in India in the national media over the study period; 317 (63%) stories described the risk to health from air pollution as moderately to extremely severe, and 393 (79%) stories described the situation as needing urgent action. Limited information was provided on the kinds of illnesses that can result from exposure. Less than 30% of stories in either media specifically mentioned the common illnesses resulting from air pollution. Very few articles in either media mentioned the population groups most at risk from air pollution, such as children or older people. Vehicles were presented most often as the cause of air pollution in India (in over 50% of articles in both national and international media). Some of the most important sources of air pollution were mentioned less often: 6% of national and 18% of international media articles mentioned unclean sources of household energy; 3% of national and 9% of international media articles mentioned agricultural field burning. Finally, the majority of articles (405; 81%) did not mention any specific institution or organization - such as the government or industry groups - as the primary responsible stakeholder, thus leaving ambiguous the organizations whose leadership was necessary to mitigate air pollution. Conclusion Gaps exist in the current media discourse on air pollution, suggesting the need for strengthening engagement with the media as a means of creating citizen engagement and enabling policy action. Through greater elaboration of the health burdens and evidence-based policy actions, the media can play a critical role in galvanizing India's action on air quality. These data may suggest opportunities for media advocacy and greater public and policy engagement to address issues around air quality in India.