Genetic history of Cambridgeshire before and after the Black Death.

The extent of the devastation of the Black Death pandemic (1346-1353) on European populations is known from documentary sources and its bacterial source illuminated by studies of ancient pathogen DNA. What has remained less understood is the effect of the pandemic on human mobility and genetic diversity at the local scale. Here, we report 275 ancient genomes, including 109 with coverage >0.1×, from later medieval and postmedieval Cambridgeshire of individuals buried before and after the Black Death. Consistent with the function of the institutions, we found a lack of close relatives among the friars and the inmates of the hospital in contrast to their abundance in general urban and rural parish communities. While we detect long-term shifts in local genetic ancestry in Cambridgeshire, we find no evidence of major changes in genetic ancestry nor higher differentiation of immune loci between cohorts living before and after the Black Death.

Investigating the association between intestinal parasite infection and cribra orbitalia in the medieval population of Cambridge, UK.

OBJECTIVE: Cribra orbitalia is believed to be a skeletal indicator of chronic anaemia, scurvy, rickets or related metabolic diseases. It has been suggested that it may be used as a proxy indicator for intestinal parasite infection, as parasites often cause anaemia today. Our aim is to investigate this association in the medieval population of Cambridge, UK. MATERIALS: Individuals excavated from the cemeteries of the Augustinian friary and All Saints by the Castle parish church, and aged from 7 to adulthood. METHODS: We undertook parasite analysis of the pelvic sediment and control samples of 46 burials with intact orbital roofs. RESULTS: Human roundworm (Ascaris lumbricoides) and/or whipworm (Trichuris trichiura) were identified in the pelvic sediment of 22 individuals, and cribra orbitalia noted in 11 individuals. Barnards test showed no association between parasite infection and cribra orbitalia (p = .882). CONCLUSION: We found no association between infection and cribra orbitalia infection in this medieval adult population, calling into question this hypothesis, at least for adults. SIGNIFICANCE: High or low cribra orbitalia prevalence in adults should not be used to infer rates of intestinal parasite infection. LIMITATIONS: The individuals in the study were over the age of 7, with no younger children. It is possible that only parasites which cause marked anaemia (such as hookworm, schistosomiasis or malaria) may cause cribra orbitalia, while less marked anaemia from roundworm and whipworm may not do so. SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH: Repeating this study in younger children, when most cribra orbitalia appears to form.

Tuberculosis before and after the Black Death (1346-1353 CE) in the Hospital of St John the Evangelist in Cambridge, England.

This research explores how the prevalence of tuberculosis (TB) in a medieval hospital was affected by the demographic and social changes that following the Black Death (1346-1353 CE), the initial years of the Second Plague Pandemic. To do this, skeletal remains of individuals buried at the Hospital of St John the Evangelist in Cambridge, England, that could be dated to living before (n = 77) or after (n = 55) the Black Death were assessed for evidence of TB (indicated by destructive lesions of the spine, ribs, large joints, and other recognised criteria). Overall, the odds of females having skeletal lesions caused by TB were over four times higher than males. No significant difference was detected in the prevalence rates in those who lived before and after the Black Death (7.8%, 6/77 before and 11.0%, 6/55 after). However, the odds of females having skeletal evidence of TB were over five times greater after the Black Death than they were before. These findings indicate that women may have been 1) more susceptible to TB, 2) surviving longer post-infection than men, and/or 3) that women with TB were more likely to be admitted to the Hospital especially following the Black Death. It is also possible that impairment due to TB infection may have been a contributing factor for entry into the Hospital for women but not men.

Caring for the injured: Exploring the immediate and long-term consequences of injury in medieval Cambridge, England.

OBJECTIVE: To combine paleopathological and biomechanical analysis to reconstruct the impact that a severe skeletal injury had on an individual's ability to function and participate in medieval society. MATERIALS: Three medieval individuals from Cambridge, England with ante-mortem fractures to the lower limb were analyzed. METHODS: Plain X-rays were used to determine the degree of malunion, rotation and overlap of each fracture. Cortical bone architecture of the injured individuals and 28 uninjured controls were analyzed using micro-computed tomography (µCT). Clinical and functional consequences were examined using the Bioarcheology of Care framework. RESULTS: The mechanism of injury, the secondary complications, and the extent of the care received was reconstructed for each individual. Bilateral asymmetry in the cortical bone architecture revealed the long-term alterations to each individual's gait. CONCLUSION: Each of these individuals survived a severe injury resulting in chronic physical impairment, though not all would have been considered 'disabled'. SIGNIFICANCE: This research contributes to the discussion about medieval care provision and social constructions of disability by illustrating how an interdisciplinary approach provides insight into the experiences of those with physical impairments. The integration of µCT imaging within the Bioarcheology of Care model is a novel approach with great potential for application across the field. LIMITATIONS: Biomechanical analysis was restricted to cortical geometry. SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH: Further study of bilateral asymmetry in trabecular architecture could complement our understanding of altered loading modalities in past societies.

The people of the Cambridge Austin friars.

The Austin friars in Cambridge was an important religious institution between the late thirteenth and mid-sixteenth centuries. Excavations have revealed well-dated and contextualised burials associated with the friary, as well as a range of material culture. The burials have been subject to a wide range of analyses including osteology, palaeopathology, stable isotopes, ancient DNA and geometric morphometrics. Significantly the distinction between clothed and shrouded burials allows members of the Augustinian order and the laity to be identified. This represents the best-understood published group of burials from an Austin friars in the British Isles and emphasises the importance of nuanced interpretation, as burial at friaries was a structured and multi-local phenomenon. These burials and other material can be interpreted in terms of both mendicant ideals and anti-fraternal criticisms.

Intestinal parasite infection in the Augustinian friars and general population of medieval Cambridge, UK.

OBJECTIVE: To investigate how lifestyle may have impacted the risk of contracting intestinal parasites in medieval England . Regular clergy (such as those living in monasteries) and the lay population form interesting groups for comparison as diet and lifestyle varied significantly. Monasteries were built with latrine blocks and hand washing facilities, unlike houses of the poor. MATERIALS: Sediment samples from the pelvis, along with control samples from feet and skull, of 19 burials of Augustinian Friars (13th-16th century), and 25 burials from All Saints by the Castle parish cemetery (10th-14th century), Cambridge. METHODS: We analysed the sediment using micro-sieving and digital light microscopy to identify the eggs of intestinal parasites. RESULTS: Parasite prevalence (roundworm and whipworm) in the Augustinian friars was 58%, and in the All Saints by the Castle parishioners just 32% (Barnards Test score statistic 1.7176, p-value 0.092). CONCLUSIONS: It is interesting that the friars had nearly double the infection rate of parasites spread by poor hygiene, compared with the general population. We consider options that might explain this difference, and discuss descriptions and treatment of intestinal worms in medical texts circulating in Cambridge during the medieval period. SIGNIFICANCE: This is the first study to compare prevalence of parasite infection between groups with different socioeconomic status from the same location. LIMITATIONS: Quality of egg preservation was suboptimal, so our data may under-represent the true prevalence. SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH: Larger studies with greater statistical power, covering different time periods and regions.

Ancient herpes simplex 1 genomes reveal recent viral structure in Eurasia.

Human herpes simplex virus 1 (HSV-1), a life-long infection spread by oral contact, infects a majority of adults globally. Phylogeographic clustering of sampled diversity into European, pan-Eurasian, and African groups has suggested the virus codiverged with human migrations out of Africa, although a much younger origin has also been proposed. We present three full ancient European HSV-1 genomes and one partial genome, dating from the 3rd to 17th century CE, sequenced to up to 9.5× with paired human genomes up to 10.16×. Considering a dataset of modern and ancient genomes, we apply phylogenetic methods to estimate the age of sampled modern Eurasian HSV-1 diversity to 4.68 (3.87 to 5.65) ka. Extrapolation of estimated rates to a global dataset points to the age of extant sampled HSV-1 as 5.29 (4.60 to 6.12) ka, suggesting HSV-1 lineage replacement coinciding with the late Neolithic period and following Bronze Age migrations.

Buried with their Buckles On: Clothed Burial at the Augustinian Friary, Cambridge.

GIRDLE BUCKLES ASSOCIATED with several groups of burials at the later-medieval Augustinian friary in Cambridge indicate that clothed burial was common, with a much higher prevalence than usual for the period. The clothed burial was highly regularised, in terms of both the garments worn and the types of buckles used, and apparently limited to members of the Augustinian Order. The buckles were primarily supplied by the friary, rather than representing individual choices, and there is evidence that the girdles that individuals were buried with were those they used in life. These buckles functioned on several levels, as symbols of both corporate and personal identity. Discoveries at other English Augustinian friaries demonstrate specific typological parallels, indicating broader connections, networks and identities. Although buckles are common late-medieval items, those from the Cambridge Augustinian friary present a unique opportunity to contextualise their use by one segment of society.

Inhumés avec leur ceinture : inhumations habillées au monastère des Frères de l'ordre de Saint-Augustin, à Cambridge par Craig Cessford, Andrew Hall, Bram Mulder, Benjamin Neil, Ian Riddler et Justin Wiles, avec les contributions d'Esther Cameron et de Quita MouldLes boucles de ceinture associées à plusieurs groupes de sépultures de la fin du Moyen-Âge, au monastère des Frères de Saint-Augustin à Cambridge, indiquent que l'inhumation des corps habillés était pratiquée couramment, bien plus que ce n'était usuel à cette période. L'inhumation des défunts habillés était hautement codifiée, aussi bien en termes des vêtements portés et des types de ceinture, et se limitait apparemment aux membres de l'ordre des Frères de Saint-Augustin. Les boucles étaient fournies principalement par le monastère, plutôt qu'un choix individuel, et certains éléments suggèrent que les ceintures portées par les défunts étaient celles qu'ils portaient dans la vie. Ces boucles étaient symboliques à plusieurs niveaux, à la fois d'une identité corporatiste et individuelle. Les découvertes dans d'autres monastères anglais de l'ordre des Frères de Saint-Augustin présentent des parallèles typologiques spécifiques, indiquant plus largement des liens, des réseaux et des identités. Bien que les boucles soient couramment retrouvées à la fin du Moyen-Âge, celles du monastère des Frères de Saint-Augustin à Cambridge nous donnent une unique opportunité de contextualiser leur utilisation par un segment de la société.

Gräber mit Gürtelgarnituren: Bekleidete Bestattung im Augustinerkloster, Cambridge von Craig Cessford, Andrew Hall, Bram Mulder, Benjamin Neil, Ian Riddler und Justin Wiles, mit Beiträgen von Esther Cameron und Quita MouldGürtelgarnituren aus mehreren Gräbergruppen des spätmittelalterlichen Augustinerklosters in Cambridge deuten darauf hin, dass die Beisetzung in Kleidern dort üblich war und einen für die damalige Zeit ungewöhnlich hohen Verbreitungsgrad hatte. Die Beerdigung in Kleidern war sowohl in Bezug auf die getragenen Kleidungsstücke als auch auf die Art der verwendeten Schnallen stark reglementiert und offenbar auf Mitglieder des Augustinerordens beschränkt. Die Schnallen wurden vorwiegend vom Kloster beschafft und stellten keine individuelle Wahl dar. Es gibt jedoch Hinweise darauf, dass es sich bei den Gürteln, mit denen die Personen bestattet wurden, um diejenigen handelte, die sie zu Lebzeiten getragen hatten. Die Schnallen fungierten auf mehreren Ebenen als Symbole sowohl der korporativen als auch der persönlichen Identität. Funde in anderen englischen Augustinerklöstern zeigen spezifische typologische Parallelen, die auf umfassendere Verbindungen, Netzwerke und Identitäten hinweisen. Gürtelschnallen waren im Spätmittelalter zwar weit verbreitet, die aus dem Augustinerkloster in Cambridge stammenden Schnallen bieten jedoch eine einzigartige Gelegenheit, ihre Verwendung seitens einesbestimmten Gesellschaftssegments zu kontextualisieren.

Sepolti con le proprie fibbie: sepolture vestite nel convento agostiniano di Cambridge di Craig Cessford, Andrew Hall, Bram Mulder, Benjamin Neil, Ian Riddler e Justin Wiles, con contributi di Esther Cameron e di Quita MouldLe fibbie per cintura associate a diversi gruppi di sepolture presso il convento agostiniano tardomedievale di Cambridge indicano che la sepoltura vestita era una pratica usuale, con una prevalenza maggiore del solito in quel periodo. La sepoltura vestita seguiva regole molto precise sia per quanto riguarda gli indumenti indossati, sia per le fibbie impiegate e, a quanto pare, era limitata ai membri dell'ordine agostiniano. Le fibbie venivano principalmente fornite dal convento anziché rappresentare scelte individuali e risulta che le cinture con cui erano sepolti gli individui erano quelle che usavano da vivi. Queste fibbie avevano molteplici valenze come simboli sia di identità personale che collegiale. I ritrovamenti presso altri conventi agostiniani inglesi dimostrano specifici paralleli tipologici, il che indica l'esistenza di legami, reti e identità più estesi. Benché le fibbie siano oggetti comuni nel Basso Medioevo, quelle del convento agostiniano di Cambridge offrono la straordinaria possibilità di contestualizzarne l'uso da parte di un settore della società.

An invasive Haemophilus influenzae serotype b infection in an Anglo-Saxon plague victim.

BACKGROUND: The human pathogen Haemophilus influenzae was the main cause of bacterial meningitis in children and a major cause of worldwide infant mortality before the introduction of a vaccine in the 1980s. Although the occurrence of serotype b (Hib), the most virulent type of H. influenzae, has since decreased, reports of infections with other serotypes and non-typeable strains are on the rise. While non-typeable strains have been studied in-depth, very little is known of the pathogen's evolutionary history, and no genomes dating prior to 1940 were available. RESULTS: We describe a Hib genome isolated from a 6-year-old Anglo-Saxon plague victim, from approximately 540 to 550 CE, Edix Hill, England, showing signs of invasive infection on its skeleton. We find that the genome clusters in phylogenetic division II with Hib strain NCTC8468, which also caused invasive disease. While the virulence profile of our genome was distinct, its genomic similarity to NCTC8468 points to mostly clonal evolution of the clade since the 6th century. We also reconstruct a partial Yersinia pestis genome, which is likely identical to a published first plague pandemic genome of Edix Hill. CONCLUSIONS: Our study presents the earliest genomic evidence for H. influenzae, points to the potential presence of larger genomic diversity in the phylogenetic division II serotype b clade in the past, and allows the first insights into the evolutionary history of this major human pathogen. The identification of both plague and Hib opens questions on the effect of plague in immunocompromised individuals already affected by infectious diseases.

Assessing the relative benefits of imaging with plain radiographs and microCT scanning to diagnose cancer in past populations.

OBJECTIVE: To determine the degree to which plain radiographs (x-rays) and microCT scans can improve accuracy in the diagnosis of cancer in human remains from past populations. MATERIALS: The skeletal remains of 143 individuals from medieval Cambridgeshire, dating from 6th-16th century CE. METHODS: Visual inspection of the skeletons for lesions compatible with malignancy, coupled with plain radiographs and microCT scans of the pelvis, femora and vertebra. RESULTS: Three individuals had visually apparent metastases on their skeletons. Plain radiographs did not identify further individuals with cancer, but did show further lesions in bones with normal external appearance. MicroCT scans identified cancer in two further individuals with normal visual appearance and normal plain radiographs. CONCLUSIONS: Imaging human skeletal remains increases the detection rate of cancer in human skeletal remains. We found microCT scanning to be a much more sensitive imaging modality than plain radiography. It improved our diagnostic accuracy and enabled us to more reliably distinguish between malignant lesions and taphonomic change. SIGNIFICANCE: Future studies investigating the prevalence and nature of malignancy in past populations would benefit from systematic microCT scanning of pelvis, femora and vertebrae of skeletons to optimise their diagnostic accuracy. LIMITATIONS: MicroCT scanning is more expensive than plain radiographs, and may not be easily accessible to biological anthropologists. SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH: To apply this approach to skeletal series from different time periods and geographical regions, where the types of cancer existing in the local population may differ from those we studied in medieval Britain.

Mycobacterium leprae diversity and population dynamics in medieval Europe from novel ancient genomes.

BACKGROUND: Hansen's disease (leprosy), widespread in medieval Europe, is today mainly prevalent in tropical and subtropical regions with around 200,000 new cases reported annually. Despite its long history and appearance in historical records, its origins and past dissemination patterns are still widely unknown. Applying ancient DNA approaches to its major causative agent, Mycobacterium leprae, can significantly improve our understanding of the disease's complex history. Previous studies have identified a high genetic continuity of the pathogen over the last 1500 years and the existence of at least four M. leprae lineages in some parts of Europe since the Early Medieval period. RESULTS: Here, we reconstructed 19 ancient M. leprae genomes to further investigate M. leprae's genetic variation in Europe, with a dedicated focus on bacterial genomes from previously unstudied regions (Belarus, Iberia, Russia, Scotland), from multiple sites in a single region (Cambridgeshire, England), and from two Iberian leprosaria. Overall, our data confirm the existence of similar phylogeographic patterns across Europe, including high diversity in leprosaria. Further, we identified a new genotype in Belarus. By doubling the number of complete ancient M. leprae genomes, our results improve our knowledge of the past phylogeography of M. leprae and reveal a particularly high M. leprae diversity in European medieval leprosaria. CONCLUSIONS: Our findings allow us to detect similar patterns of strain diversity across Europe with branch 3 as the most common branch and the leprosaria as centers for high diversity. The higher resolution of our phylogeny tree also refined our understanding of the interspecies transfer between red squirrels and humans pointing to a late antique/early medieval transmission. Furthermore, with our new estimates on the past population diversity of M. leprae, we gained first insights into the disease's global history in relation to major historic events such as the Roman expansion or the beginning of the regular transatlantic long distance trade. In summary, our findings highlight how studying ancient M. leprae genomes worldwide improves our understanding of leprosy's global history and can contribute to current models of M. leprae's worldwide dissemination, including interspecies transmissions.

The greatest health problem of the Middle Ages? Estimating the burden of disease in medieval England.

OBJECTIVE: To identify the major health problems of the Middle Ages. Bubonic plague is often considered the greatest health disaster in medieval history, but this has never been systematically investigated. MATERIALS: We triangulate upon the problem using (i) modern WHO data on disease in the modern developing world, (ii) historical evidence for England such as post-medieval Bills of Mortality, and (iii) prevalences derived from original and published palaeopathological studies. METHODS: Systematic analysis of the consequences of these health conditions using Disability Adjusted Life Years (DALYs) according to the Global Burden of Disease methodology. RESULTS: Infant and child death due to varied causes had the greatest impact upon population and health, followed by a range of chronic/infectious diseases, with tuberculosis probably being the next most significant one. CONCLUSIONS: Among medieval health problems, we estimate that plague was probably 7th-10th in overall importance. Although lethal and disruptive, it struck only periodically and had less cumulative long-term human consequences than chronically endemic conditions (e.g. bacterial and viral infections causing infant and child death, tuberculosis, and other pathogens). SIGNIFICANCE: In contrast to modern health regimes, medieval health was above all an ecological struggle against a diverse host of infectious pathogens; social inequality was probably also an important contributing factor. LIMITATIONS: Methodological assumptions and use of proxy data mean that only approximate modelling of prevalences is possible. SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH: Progress in understanding medieval health really depends upon understanding ancient infectious disease through further development of biomolecular methods.

Fancy shoes and painful feet: Hallux valgus and fracture risk in medieval Cambridge, England.

OBJECTIVE: Hallux valgus, the lateral deviation of the great toe, can result in poor balance, impaired mobility and is an independent risk factor for falls. This research aims to compare the prevalence of hallux valgus in subpopulations of medieval Cambridge, England, and to examine the relationship between hallux valgus and fractures to examine the impact of impaired mobility and poor balance caused by this condition. MATERIALS: 177 adult individuals from four cemeteries located in Cambridge, England. METHODS: Human remains were macroscopically and radiographically assessed. RESULTS: Hallux valgus was identified in 18 % of individuals and was significantly more common during the 14th-15th centuries than the 11th-13th centuries. The highest prevalence was observed in the friary (43 %), followed by the Hospital (23 %), the rurban parish cemetery (10 %), and the rural parish cemetery (3%). Fractures from falls were significantly more common in those with hallux valgus than those without. CONCLUSION: The increased prevalence of hallux valgus identified in individuals from the 14th to 15th centuries coincided with the adoption of new footwear with pointed toes. Those that adopted this fashion trend appear to have been more likely to develop balance and mobility problems that resulted in an increased risk of falls. SIGNIFICANCE: This is the first study to explore the relationship between foot problems and functional ability by studying hallux valgus in archaeological assemblages. LIMITATIONS: Falls are complex and determining the mechanism of injury in human skeletal remains is not always possible. FURTHER RESEARCH: Fracture prevalence rates may have been affected by biological factors and underlying pathological conditions.

Gout and 'Podagra' in medieval Cambridge, England.

OBJECTIVE: To estimate the prevalence rate of gout and to explore the social factors that contributed to its development in the various sub-populations in medieval Cambridge. MATERIALS: 177 adult individuals from four medieval cemeteries located in and around Cambridge, UK. METHODS: Lesions were assessed macroscopically and radiographically. Elements with lytic lesions were described and imaged using micro-computed tomography (µCT) to determine their morphology. RESULTS: Gout was identified in 3 % of the population. Individuals buried in the friary had highest prevalence (14 %), with low prevalence rates in the Hospital (3 %) and town parish cemetery (2 %), with no cases in the rural parish cemetery. Gout was more prevalent during the 14th-15th centuries than the 10th-13th centuries. CONCLUSION: The high prevalence rate of gout in the friary is at least partly explained by the consumption of alcohol and purine-rich diets by the friars and the wealthy townsfolk. Medieval medical texts from Cambridge show that gout (known as podagra) was sometimes treated with medications made from the root of the autumn crocus. This root contains colchicine, which is a medicine that is still used to treat gout today. SIGNIFICANCE: This is one of the first studies to assess the epidemiology of gout in medieval England and suggests that gout varied with social status. LIMITATIONS: Our sample size precludes statistical analysis. SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH: Additional studies that assess the epidemiology of gout in medieval Europe is needed in order to be able to fully contextualize these findings.

The prevalence of cancer in Britain before industrialization.

BACKGROUND: To plan for cancer services in the future, the long view of cancer prevalence is essential. It might be suspected that cancer prevalence before tobacco and industrial revolution pollutants was quite different to today. METHODS: To quantify the degree to which cancer prevalence may be changing over time, the authors analyzed 143 skeletons from 6 cemeteries from the Cambridge area (6th-16th centuries). Visual inspection coupled with screening using both plain radiographs and computed tomography scans was used to detect malignant lesions. RESULTS: A total of 3.5% of individuals showed evidence for metastases. Factoring in modern data for the proportion of those with cancer that die with bone metastases, this suggests a minimum prevalence of all cancers at the time of death in medieval Britain to be approximately 9% to 14% of adults. CONCLUSIONS: This figure compares with a 40% to 50% prevalence of cancer at the time of death for modern Britain. The difference may be explained by the effects of modern carcinogens, the spread of viruses that trigger malignancy, industrial pollutants, and longer life expectancy. LAY SUMMARY: Until now, no one has been able to work out how common cancer was before the time people were exposed to tumor-inducing chemicals from tobacco and industrial factories. In this novel study, the authors have determined the percentage of people living in medieval Britain who had cancer metastases to bone at the time of their death and then compared that with modern data. It was found that cancer was approximately 25% as common in medieval times as it is today. This article suggests cancer was much more widespread in medieval times than was previously realized.

Medieval injuries: Skeletal trauma as an indicator of past living conditions and hazard risk in Cambridge, England.

OBJECTIVE: To explore how medieval living conditions, occupation, and an individual's role within society impacted their risk of skeletal trauma. MATERIALS: The skeletal remains of 314 individuals from medieval Cambridge that were buried in the parish cemetery of All Saints by the Castle (n = 84), the Augustinian friary (n = 75), and the cemetery of the Hospital of St John the Evangelist (n = 155) were analyzed. METHODS: Macroscopic examination and plain radiographs were used to classify fracture type. The causative mechanisms and forces applied to a bone were inferred based on fracture morphology. RESULTS: The skeletal trauma observed represents accidental injuries, likely sustained through occupational or everyday activities, and violence. The highest prevalence rate was observed on the individuals buried at All Saints by the Castle (44%, n = 37/84), and the lowest was seen at the Hospital of St John (27%, n = 42/155). Fractures were more prevalent in males (40%, n = 57/143) than females (26%, n = 25/95). CONCLUSIONS: Skeletal trauma was highest in All Saints parish burial ground, indicating that the poor, whether working urban or rurally, had the highest risk of injury. The pattern and types of fractures observed suggests that males experienced more severe traumatic events than females. However, females that were routinely involved in manual labor were also at increased risk of injury. SIGNIFICANCE: This article enhances our understanding of how traumatic injuries differed by age, sex, and burial locations in the medieval period. FURTHER RESEARCH: Additional comparative studies in different geographical regions are needed to determine how representative these findings are.

Intrapopulation variation in lower limb trabecular architecture.

OBJECTIVES: Trabecular structure is frequently used to differentiate between highly divergent mechanical environments. Less is known regarding the response of the structural properties to more subtle behavioral differences, as the range of intrapopulation variation in trabecular architecture is rarely studied. Examining the extent to which lower limb trabecular architecture varies when inferred mobility levels and environment are consistent between groups within a relatively homogenous population may aid in the contextualization of interpopulation differences, improve detectability of sexual dimorphism in trabecular structure, and improve our understanding of trabecular bone functional adaptation. MATERIALS AND METHODS: The study sample was composed of adult individuals from three high/late medieval cemeteries from Cambridge (10th-16th c.), a hospital (n = 57), a parish cemetery (n = 44) and a friary (n = 14). Trabecular architecture was quantified in the epiphyses of the femur and tibia, using high resolution computed tomography. RESULTS: The parish individuals had the lowest bone volume fraction and trabecular thickness in most regions. Multiple sex differences were observed, but the patterns were not consistent across volumes of interest. DISCUSSION: Differences between the three groups highlight the great variability of trabecular bone architecture, even within a single sedentary population. This indicates that trabecular bone may be used in interpreting subtle behavioral differences, and suggests that multiple archaeological sites need to be studied to characterize structural variation on a population level. Variation in sex and group differences across anatomical locations further demonstrates the site-specificity in trabecular bone functional adaptation, which might explain why little consistent sexual dimorphism has been reported previously.

Phylogeography of the second plague pandemic revealed through analysis of historical Yersinia pestis genomes.

The second plague pandemic, caused by Yersinia pestis, devastated Europe and the nearby regions between the 14th and 18th centuries AD. Here we analyse human remains from ten European archaeological sites spanning this period and reconstruct 34 ancient Y. pestis genomes. Our data support an initial entry of the bacterium through eastern Europe, the absence of genetic diversity during the Black Death, and low within-outbreak diversity thereafter. Analysis of post-Black Death genomes shows the diversification of a Y. pestis lineage into multiple genetically distinct clades that may have given rise to more than one disease reservoir in, or close to, Europe. In addition, we show the loss of a genomic region that includes virulence-related genes in strains associated with late stages of the pandemic. The deletion was also identified in genomes connected with the first plague pandemic (541-750 AD), suggesting a comparable evolutionary trajectory of Y. pestis during both events.