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Loneliness is prevalent among sexual minority adults and is associated with minority stress. Yet there is limited understanding of how loneliness and minority stress vary across key demographic variables. This cross-sectional study explored age and gender differences in a minority stress model linking sexual orientation marginalization to social and emotional loneliness via proximal stress (internalized homonegativity, concealment, and stigma preoccupation) and via social anxiety and inhibition. The study also assessed age and gender differences in the protective influence of LGBTQ community involvement. 7,856 sexual minority adults from 85 countries completed an online survey. They were categorized as emerging adults (18-24, n = 3,056), young adults (25-34, n = 2,193), midlife adults (35-49, n = 1,243), and older adults (50-88, n = 1,364). Gender identity groups were cisgender men (n = 4,073), cisgender women (n = 3,017), and transgender individuals (n = 766). With each successive age group, there was a lower prevalence of sexual orientation marginalization, proximal stress, social anxiety, inhibition, and emotional loneliness, along with more community involvement. Sexual orientation marginalization was more pronounced among cisgender women and, especially, transgender individuals. The latter also exhibited the most social anxiety, inhibition, loneliness, and community involvement. Proximal stress was more prevalent among cisgender men than cisgender women and transgender individuals. Multiple group structural equation modeling supported the applicability of the loneliness model across age and gender groups, with only a few variations; these mainly related to how strongly community involvement was linked to marginalization, internalized homonegativity, and social loneliness.
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OBJECTIVES: Moroccan and Turkish migrants residing in Northwestern Europe have high loneliness levels. This study examines gender differences in loneliness within this migrant population. The migrants have gender-segregated social roles at home and in public, which might lead to gender differences in what aspects of social relationships can explain variation in loneliness. METHODS: Respondents are from the Longitudinal Aging Study Amsterdam with 446 first-generation Moroccan and Turkish migrants in the Netherlands, aged between 55 and 66 years. We use interaction effects to test for gender differences in determinants of loneliness. RESULTS: Men and women have a similar, moderate level of loneliness. Having a spouse and receiving care from children are more strongly related with lower loneliness levels in men than in women. Coethnic ties play an equally important role for men and women. In men, frequent mosque attendance is related with greater loneliness, but not in women. DISCUSSION: Family ties are more protective against loneliness for older men than for older women, possibly indicating that migrant women's expectations regarding family go above and beyond having a spouse, receiving intergenerational care, or having frequent contact with children. In addition, migrant older men's higher expectations regarding a public social life could make their social life in the Netherlands less fulfilling, resulting in greater loneliness.
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Solidão , Migrantes , Masculino , Humanos , Feminino , Idoso , Fatores Sexuais , Envelhecimento , Relações InterpessoaisRESUMO
So far, little attention has been paid to contextual factors shaping loneliness and their interaction with individual characteristics. Moreover, the few existing studies have not included older migrants, identified as a group who are vulnerable to loneliness. This study examined the association between neighbourhood ethnic density (the proportion of own-group residents and the proportion of other ethnic residents in an area) and loneliness among older migrants. Furthermore, we investigated whether local language skills moderated this association. A population-based representative survey (The CHARM study, n = 1082, 57% men, mean age 63.2 years) and postal code area statistics were used to study Russian-speaking migrants aged 50 or older in Finland. The study design and data are hierarchical, with individuals nested in postcode areas. We accounted for this by estimating corresponding mixed models. We used a linear outcome specification and conducted logistic and ordinal robustness checks. After controlling for covariates, we found that ethnic density variables (measured as the proportion of Russian speakers and the proportion of other foreign speakers) were not associated with loneliness. Our interaction results showed that increased own-group ethnic density was associated with a higher level of loneliness among those with good local language skills but not among those with weaker skills. Good local language skills may indicate a stronger orientation towards the mainstream destination society and living in a neighbourhood with a higher concentration of own-language speakers may feel alienating for those who wish to be more included in mainstream society.
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Idioma , Solidão , Masculino , Humanos , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Feminino , Finlândia , Emoções , Federação RussaRESUMO
Individual socioeconomic status has a significant impact on whether older adults can initiate and maintain social relationships and participate in society, hence it affects loneliness. At the macro level, income inequality is expected to increase the risk of loneliness by eroding social cohesion and trust, while welfare generosity might protect people from loneliness. The aim of the study is to explore whether income inequality and welfare generosity at the country level moderate the effect of socioeconomic status at the individual level on late-life loneliness. Data were obtained from the HRS family of surveys - the Survey of Health, Aging and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) (wave 5, 2011/12) and China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study (CHARLS) (wave 2, 2012/13). Respondents aged 50 years and older from twelve European countries and China were included in the study. Logistic country fixed effect models were used in the analysis. The findings show a stronger effect of individual socioeconomic status on late-life loneliness in more income-unequal societies and a weaker effect in more welfare-generous societies. There is a need to consider the impact of income distribution and welfare spending on the risk of loneliness among those older adults with low socioeconomic status when tailoring preventive programs and interventions to reduce loneliness among this vulnerable group.
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Fatores Econômicos , Solidão , Idoso , China , Humanos , Estudos Longitudinais , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Fatores SocioeconômicosRESUMO
This special section brings together a set of four articles containing novel quantitative and qualitative research on older migrants in Europe. Detailed reporting and reflection is presented on fieldwork decisions and how certain challenges were tackled, and their implications. This introductory article aims to lay the groundwork for a better understanding and awareness of methodological and ethical challenges researchers face when designing and conducting empirical studies involving older migrants. Highlighted are the main methodological issues and ethical dilemmas we observe in studying older migrants, which can serve as a wake-up call for researchers to be more critical throughout the process. We end with a plea for more collaboration between researchers in the field of older migrants, by sharing their data despite potential methodological and ethical problems.
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Migrantes , Europa (Continente) , Humanos , Pesquisa Qualitativa , PesquisadoresRESUMO
Research suggests that loneliness among sexual minority adults is associated with marginalization, but it is unclear which processes may underlie this relationship. This cross-sectional study examined five possibilities: stigma preoccupation, internalized homonegativity, sexual orientation concealment, social anxiety, and social inhibition. The study also examined the possible protective role of LGBTQ community involvement. Respondents were 7856 sexual minority adults aged 18-88 years from 85 countries who completed an online survey. Results of structural equation modeling indicated that marginalization was positively associated with both social and emotional loneliness, and that part of this relationship was indirect via proximal minority stress factors (especially stigma preoccupation) and, in turn, social anxiety and social inhibition. Moreover, while LGBTQ community involvement was associated with greater marginalization, it was also associated with lower levels of proximal stress and both forms of loneliness. Among those who were more involved in the LGBTQ community, the associations between marginalization and proximal stress were somewhat weaker, as were those between stigma preoccupation and social anxiety, and between social inhibition and social loneliness. In contrast, the associations between concealment and social anxiety were somewhat stronger. Model fit and patterns of association were similar after controlling for the possible confounding effect of dispositional negative affectivity, but several coefficients were lower. Findings underscore the continuing need to counter marginalization of sexual minorities, both outside and within the LGBTQ community, and suggest possible avenues for alleviating loneliness at the individual level, such as cognitive-behavioral interventions targeting stigma preoccupation and social anxiety.
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Solidão , Minorias Sexuais e de Gênero , Adulto , Ansiedade , Participação da Comunidade , Estudos Transversais , Feminino , Humanos , Solidão/psicologia , Masculino , Comportamento Sexual/psicologia , Estigma SocialRESUMO
The prevalence of loneliness among Turkish-Dutch and Moroccan-Dutch older adults is higher than among Dutch older adults of non-migrant origin. Three explanations may account for this difference: (1) differential item functioning might result in scores that vary in intensity and in meaning across categories; (2) the position of migrants is much more vulnerable than that of non-migrants; (3) the lack of protective factors has more severe consequences for older migrants. The Longitudinal Aging Study Amsterdam interviewed 176 persons born in Morocco and 235 born in Turkey, aged 55-66 and living in urban areas. They are compared with a matched sample of 292 Dutch persons. The psychometric properties of the loneliness scale are satisfying, although there is some differential item functioning. Older migrants have more frequent social contacts but are at a disadvantage in other domains. Taking into account differences in social participation, satisfaction with income, mastery and depressive symptoms, the difference between older migrants' and non-migrants' loneliness is reduced by more than half. Protective factors are equally important for older migrants and non-migrants. Exceptions are marriage (less protective for Moroccans), frequent contact with children/children-in-law (mostly for Turks), a higher educational level (protects Moroccans and Turks) and better physical functioning (less for Turks). Being an older migrant and belonging to a minority might further contribute to feelings of loneliness. Interventions can be directed at stimulating social contact, but also at aspects like enhancing the appreciation of their social status and avoiding negative interpretations of a situation.
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The topic of loneliness among older migrants has recently gained scholarly interest. There is a particular focus on why older migrants are generally lonelier than their non-migrant peers from the destination. These studies neglect variations both within and between older migrant groups. Our qualitative study is innovative for three reasons. First, it focuses on Romanian migrants aged 65+ who fled communism and aged in place in Switzerland-an understudied population of former political refugees that experiences little or no loneliness in later years. Second, it takes a life-course approach to explore experiences of loneliness during communist Romania, in the context of migration and later in life. Third, it focuses on protective and coping factors rather than risk factors. Having been through hard times in communist Romania-marked by fear and distrust among people and estrangement from society-older Romanian migrants built strength to withstand difficult times, learned to embrace solitude, and/or to relativise current hardships, if any. Upon arrival many founded or joined an association or church, which offers the opportunity to establish a sustainable social network consisting of a large pool of Romanian non-kin with a shared past and experience of migration and integration, to counteract social losses in later life. When moments of loneliness cannot be prevented (e.g. due to death of a spouse), they try to be active to distract from loneliness or 'simply' accept the situation. These aspects need to be taken into account in future research and when developing loneliness interventions.
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While activity participation in later life has attracted considerable attention from policymakers and scholars, indoor and outdoor engagement among older Chinese migrants in Europe is understudied. Using in-depth interviews with 21 older Chinese migrants in the Netherlands and seven in Belgium, this study is among the first to explore older Chinese migrants' activity participation experiences from the perspective of Confucianism, the cornerstone of Chinese culture. More specifically, the impact of four acknowledged principles of Confucianism are considered: hierarchical relationships, family system, benevolence and emphasis on education. The findings show that, like a double-edged sword, these four principles have positive and negative effects on older Chinese migrants' activity participation. Hierarchical relationships promote formal organisational participation, yet concurrently dividing the Chinese community into smaller subgroups and endangering solidarity within the community. With regard to family system, which emphasizes intergenerational responsibility and obligation, older Confucianist migrants prioritise taking care of their grandchildren, resulting in less time to participate in outdoor activities. Benevolence, the third principle of Confucianism, restrains older Chinese migrants from political participation while encouraging them to attend community meetings where food is shared. Lastly, emphasis on education, of which self-cultivation is an important aspect, helps older Chinese migrants overcome feelings of loneliness and makes them prefer self-learning activity above formal learning settings (e.g. language learning) organised by the government. The article ends with policy recommendations on how to increase older Chinese migrants' outdoor activities.
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Povo Asiático/psicologia , Relações Interpessoais , Participação Social/psicologia , Migrantes/psicologia , Idoso , Bélgica/epidemiologia , China/etnologia , Confucionismo , Feminino , Humanos , Entrevistas como Assunto , Masculino , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Países Baixos/epidemiologia , Apoio SocialRESUMO
Older migrants may be one of the most vulnerable populations during the coronavirus pandemic, yet the degree of impact remains largely unknown. This study explores (1) the consequences of the coronavirus pandemic for older Chinese migrants in Belgium and the Netherlands in terms of increased loneliness and its risk factors (reduced in-person contact, decreased social participation, feelings of existential threat) and protective factors (increased non-in-person contact, more individual activities), and (2) which risk and protective factors have contributed to the incidence and prevention of higher loneliness levels. Using quantitative data of a survey among 98 Chinese migrants aged 50 years and older in Belgium (n = 84) and the Netherlands (n = 14), the findings first indicate that the coronavirus pandemic has a significant impact on older Chinese migrants' lives. One in five experienced more loneliness. Second, reduced social participation (measured as less frequent participation in outdoor group activities) and financial insecurity (measured as experiencing financial difficulties) lead to higher than pre-pandemic loneliness levels. Problem-focused coping strategies (measured as increased non-in-person contact, via telephone or social media) and emotion-focused coping (measured as finding distraction through increased participation in individual activities) were not found to protect against increased loneliness in the pandemic. Two practical implications for loneliness interventions for older Chinese migrants are put forward. Organizing COVID-19-safe social participation activities and paying more attention to older Chinese migrants' financial situation can be beneficial when addressing higher levels of loneliness due to the coronavirus pandemic.
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OBJECTIVES: When identifying older adults who may be at risk of being without necessary supports, policy makers and scholars tend to focus on those living alone, neglecting differences within that group. We examine how their social networks contribute to subjective well-being, why some of them fare better and compare their well-being to older adults coresiding with others. METHOD: Data are from the fourth wave of the Survey of Health and Retirement in Europe (N = 53,383). A network typology for older people living alone (N = 10,047) is constructed using a latent class analysis. Using ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions, we examined differences in subjective well-being (life satisfaction, satisfaction with social network, depression) by network type, adding adults coresiding with others (N = 43,336) as comparison group. RESULTS: We find four social network types among older adults living alone. The likelihood of having "restricted" and "child-based" networks is greater in Eastern and Southern European countries, whereas the likelihood of having "friend-oriented" networks is greater in Western and Northern European countries. Across countries, only those with "restricted" networks tend to have the poorest well-being. Those with "diverse" networks have even better well-being than coresiding older adults. DISCUSSION: Our study shows the importance of drawing distinctions within the group of older adults living alone. Most (two thirds) are not vulnerable and at risk, but fare just as well or even better than peers who coreside with others. Country-level factors shape the opportunities to build satisfactory networks, but subjective well-being depends more strongly on individual resources, including social networks, than country-level factors.
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Ajustamento Emocional , Pessoa Solteira/psicologia , Rede Social , Idoso/psicologia , Idoso/estatística & dados numéricos , Envelhecimento , Depressão/epidemiologia , Depressão/etiologia , Escolaridade , Europa (Continente)/epidemiologia , Família/psicologia , Feminino , Humanos , Masculino , Pessoa Solteira/estatística & dados numéricos , Inquéritos e QuestionáriosRESUMO
OBJECTIVES: We explore and compare older adults' lived experiences and coping strategies in two postcommunist countries-Albania and Bulgaria. Wholesale youth outmigration and economic and institutional regional decline have led to decaying rural areas where older adults become "abandoned." Aging alone, as couples or widowed, they are socially marginalized and in constant search for coping mechanisms which enable them to survive. METHODS: We adopt a social-psychology theoretical framework which distinguishes between problem-focused and emotion-focused coping. Data include 28 in-depth interviews with older residents and participant observation in selected rural areas of the two countries. RESULTS: In both countries, rural social isolation is expressed as a lack of close family ties-mainly due to the removal through outmigration of children and grandchildren-and detachment from society at large. The most prevalent coping mechanism consists of practical and emotional support from non-kin ties, especially neighbors. Remittances help to resolve material needs, especially in Albania, where most rural young people migrate abroad. In both settings, a range of emotion-focused coping strategies were identified, including perceptions of decreased needs, lowered expectations about relationships, and satisfaction at the achievements of the younger generations. DISCUSSION: Similarities between research findings in Albania and Bulgaria reflect their shared political and institutional history. Although few, differences relate to a combination of contrasting migration and cultural patterns. In both settings problem- and emotion-focused adaptive strategies are overlapping, and successful aging efforts seem to be of a communal rather than an individualistic nature.
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Adaptação Psicológica , Idoso/psicologia , Envelhecimento/psicologia , Pessoa Solteira/psicologia , Idoso de 80 Anos ou mais , Albânia , Bulgária , Família/psicologia , Feminino , Humanos , Entrevistas como Assunto , Solidão/psicologia , Masculino , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , População Rural , Pessoa Solteira/estatística & dados numéricos , Apoio SocialRESUMO
The prevalence of loneliness among Turkish- and Moroccan-Dutch older adults is higher than among Dutch older adults of non-migrant origin. Two explanations may account for this difference. (1) The meaning of the concept may differ, or there is differential item functioning. This might result in scores that not only differ in intensity but also in meaning across groups. (2) The position of older migrants is much more vulnerable than of non-migrant older people. Data from the Longitudinal Aging Study Amsterdam were used to examine support for both explanations. Feelings of loneliness are explored among 176 people born in Morocco and 235 people born in Turkey, aged 55-66 years, and living in urban areas. They migrated on average 35 years ago to the Netherlands. They are compared with a matched sample of 292 older people of Dutch origin. The psychometric properties of the loneliness scale are satisfying, although there is some differential item functioning. Older migrants have more frequent social contacts, but are at a disadvantage in other domains. Taking into account differences in social participation, satisfaction with their income, mastery and depressive symptoms, the difference between older migrants' and non-migrants' loneliness is reduced to more than half. Being an older migrant and belonging to a minority might further contribute to feelings of loneliness. Interventions should not be directed at stimulating social contact, but rather, for example, at enhancing the appreciation of their social status and at avoiding negative interpretations of the situation.
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Solidão/psicologia , Psicometria , Migrantes/psicologia , Idoso , Depressão/epidemiologia , Feminino , Humanos , Masculino , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Marrocos/etnologia , Países Baixos/epidemiologia , Prevalência , Participação Social , Turquia/etnologiaRESUMO
This research investigates how a sense of belonging functions as protective mechanism against loneliness. Inspired by the work of Berry (1980) on acculturation strategies (i.e. integration, assimilation, separation and marginalization), we distinguish migrants who feel a relatively strong or weak sense of belonging to larger society and those who feel a strong or weak belonging to the "own group." We expect that more national belonging contributes to less loneliness. We add a transnational perspective by arguing that feelings of belonging to the own group can take place in the country of settlement, but can also be transnational, i.e. a feeling of belonging to the country of origin. Transnational belonging can protect against loneliness, as it acknowledges the importance of place attachment. Using data from the Longitudinal Aging Study Amsterdam on older migrants aged 55-66, we employ latent class analysis and find five national belonging clusters, interpretable in terms of Berry's acculturation strategies. Further analyses reveal mixed evidence: some aspects of transnational belonging vary with belonging to the own group, but other aspects point to a third dimension of belonging. Regression analysis shows that those marginalized are loneliest and that a transnational sense of belonging contributes to more loneliness. We conclude that Berry's (1980) typology is useful for interpreting older migrants' national belonging and that a transnational sense of belonging is apparent among older migrants, but needs to be explored further.
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OBJECTIVES: We validate a translated version of the De Jong Gierveld Loneliness Scale (DJGLS) for use among older migrants from Turkish and Moroccan descent and validate the original Dutch version of the same scale for Surinamese migrants in the Netherlands. METHOD: The data were derived from a population-based cross-sectional study among community-dwelling individuals aged 55 and older. In addition to translating the DJGLS for these ethnic groups, several statistical analyses were performed to assess the scale's reliability and validity. RESULTS: The DJGLS proved to be internally consistent and to have adequate convergent validity among all ethnic groups. Latent structure analysis confirmed the two latent factors (emotional and social subscales) in all groups, but also showed that fit was not optimal in most groups. Known groups validity was observed using functional limitations and subjective health as grouping variables. CONCLUSIONS: The results provide sufficient support for use of the translated version of the 11-item DJGLS among Turkish and Moroccan older migrants and use of the Dutch version for Surinamese older migrants as a reliable and valid measure of loneliness. Fit of latent structural models varied between good and poor. Further research is needed to investigate ethnic differences in levels and determinants of loneliness.
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Envelhecimento/psicologia , Comparação Transcultural , Emigrantes e Imigrantes/psicologia , Solidão/psicologia , Psicometria/estatística & dados numéricos , Inquéritos e Questionários , Tradução , Idoso , Idoso de 80 Anos ou mais , Estudos Transversais , Feminino , Humanos , Masculino , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Marrocos/etnologia , Países Baixos , Suriname/etnologia , Turquia/etnologiaRESUMO
Different migration theories generate competing hypotheses with regard to determinants of return migration. While neoclassical migration theory associates migration to the failure to integrate at the destination, the new economics of labour migration sees return migration as the logical stage after migrants have earned sufficient assets and knowledge and to invest in their origin countries. The projected return is then likely to be postponed for sustained or indefinite periods if integration is unsuccessful. So, from an indication or result of integration failure return is rather seen as a measure of success. Drawing on recent survey data (N = 2,832), this article tests these hypotheses by examining the main determinants of return intention among Moroccan migrants across Europe. The results indicate that structural integration through labour market participation, education and the maintenance of economic and social ties with receiving countries do not significantly affect return intentions. At the same time, investments and social ties to Morocco are positively related, and socio-cultural integration in receiving countries is negatively related to return migration intentions. The mixed results corroborate the idea that there is no uniform process of (return) migration and that competing theories might therefore be partly complementary.
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We examine the extent to which coping options endorsed by older adults help alleviate loneliness, and experiences with loneliness influence the coping options. Two ways of coping are distinguished: problem-focused, i.e., improving one's relationships, and emotion-focused, i.e., lowering one's expectations about relationships. Loneliness is assessed using three observations over 6 years among 1,033 61- to 99-year-old respondents in the Longitudinal Aging Study Amsterdam. Combining the first two observations yielded four loneliness types: not lonely at T0 and T1, recently lonely, persistently lonely, and recovered from loneliness. Between the second and third observations, respondents were asked to evaluate which coping options lonely peers described in various vignettes had. From this, individual coping scores were calculated. The option to improve relationships did not affect the likelihood of one's own loneliness, and the option to lower expectations even increased it. Compared to non-lonely respondents, recently lonely ones endorsed both ways of coping equally frequently, persistently lonely ones endorsed improving relationships less frequently and lowering expectations more frequently and recovered respondents endorsed improving relationships equally frequently and lowering expectations more frequently. We conclude that considering various ways of coping does not help alleviate loneliness and that persistently lonely and recovered respondents are at risk of a circular process with loneliness experiences resulting in considering lowering expectations more frequently, which results in a greater likelihood of loneliness, thus contributing to sustaining or re-establishing loneliness.
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The aim of this study was (1) to examine whether Turkish older migrants are indeed-as is often claimed without solid scientific evidence-lonelier than their peers with no migration background and (2) to determine the factors that account for the differences in loneliness between them. We analysed data of adults aged 50-79 from the first wave of the German Generations and Gender Survey and a supplementary survey of Turkish nationals in Germany (N = 3,248 born in Germany and N = 494 born in Turkey). Differences in degree of loneliness between Turkish and native-born older adults were determined by the six-item Loneliness Scale of de Jong Gierveld. To identify the specific factors contributing to these loneliness differences, a series of multivariate regression analyses were conducted, examining the impact of two groups of risk factors (poor health and low socioeconomic status) and two groups of protective factors (social embeddedness in the family and informal support exchanges) on loneliness. Results showed that feelings of loneliness are indeed more prevalent among older adults of Turkish origin than their German counterparts, which is entirely attributable to their lower socioeconomic status and poorer health. Living with a partner or children, frequent contacts with non-coresident children, emotional support exchange and looking after grandchildren-though important factors to prevent loneliness at the individual level-did not specifically protect Turkish older adults from loneliness, or did so rarely. These findings not only indicate new and challenging directions for further research but also raise questions about the effectiveness of the most common loneliness interventions, which focus on improving number and quality of social relationships.