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Water quality is a major concern around the world, but assessments of quality often privilege producers, regulators and experts over consumers. With water supplies and sources constantly in flux, how do ordinary people experience and "sense" quality? How do they define "good" or "good enough" water, and what practices do they engage in to "make" good water? In this article, we attend to these questions by presenting findings from an open-ended qualitative study carried out along the Marikina River, Manila, the Philippines - a waterway that courses from rural and mountainous villages to highly urbanized communities. First, we describe the sensorial and cognitive attributes that people associate with the different water sources in their environment, as well as their decision-making regarding what kind of water to use for which purposes. Second, we present the "making" of water quality: how, in a context of polluted environments and water scarcity, do people try to secure water they consider acceptable for themselves and their families. Our findings reveal water quality as a contested, relational domain-one that reinforces social and health disparities and calls for further scholarship.
Ang kalidad ng tubig ay kinababahala sa buong mundo, ngunit ang pagkilatis ng kalidad na ito ay kadalasang nasa kamay ng mga kompanya ng tubig, mga dalubhasa, at gobyerno, - wala sa mga tao. Sa kabila ng mga pagbabago at pangamba ukol sa tubig, paano nga ba nararanasan at nararamdaman ng mga ordinaryong tao ang kalidad ng tubig? Paano nila nasasabi na maganda, o puwede na, ang isang klase ng tubig, at anong mga pamamaraan o diskarte ang ginagawa nila para maging 'puwede na' ito? Sa artikulong ito, tinatalakay namin ang mga katanungang ito base sa isang qualitative research na isinagawa namin sa mga bayan sa kahabaan ng Ilog Marikina, na dumadaloy mula sa bulubunduking kanayunan ng Sierra Madre hanggang sa mga urbanisadong pamayanan ng Kamaynilaan. Una, inilalarawan namin ang mga katangian na inuugnay ng mga tao sa iba't ibang uri ng tubig sa kanilang kapaligiran, at kung paano sila nagdedesisyon kung alin sa mga ito ang gagamitin sa iba't ibang paggagamitan. Pangalawa, ipinapakita namin kung paano nila ginagawang 'puwede na' ang tubig para sa kanila at kanilang mga pamilya. Sa kabuuan, napag-alaman namin na ang kalidad ng tubig ay isang komplikadong larangan, nakaugat sa iba't ibang relasyon, nakapagpapalala sa mga hindi pagkakapantay-pantay ng lipunan, at nananawagan ng mas malalamin na pag-aaral.
People living along Marikina River rely on everyday experiences to define "good enough" water and decide what kind of water to take. If the water is not clean, they either choose another source or engage in various household practices to make it good enough, from boiling and filtering to simply waiting. Upstream, the water is perceived as cleaner and has more uses; as the river flows to Manila, people rely increasingly on mineral water and water from refilling stations for drinking. But what kind of what people use, for what purpose, is influenced by social and economic factors. We suggest that governments monitor the quality of water in different sources, and evaluate how people try to make water cleaner and safer. Governments need to take into account how people sense, know, and make water quality in crafting better and fairer policies and programs.
What is "good" or "good enough" water for people? The authors explore the knowing, sensing, and making of water quality along Markina River in the Philippines, and how people's embodied experiences of water are shaped by their geographic, economic, and "hydrosocial" contexts.
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BACKGROUND: This paper examines the political constructions of people who use drugs in the Philippines throughout the presidency of Rodrigo Duterte (2016-2022), during which the government engaged in a 'war on drugs' and promoted a punitive drug regime. METHODS: Building on and drawing inspiration from the global drug policy scholarship that has looked at the ways in which drugs are framed and problematised in various domains, this study used qualitative content analysis to review 96 documents from national government agencies - including strategic action plans, directives, memorandums, guidelines, annual reports, and legislative measures. RESULTS: Foremost, the study finds that various terms were interchangeably used to refer to 'drug users' - dependent, offender, personality, abuser - and all of them contributed to the problematisation of people who use drugs as a societal "menace". As "drug dependents", they were likewise portrayed as necessitating treatment or rehabilitation. Moreover, presented as victims or passive subjects, their agency and subjectivity are not acknowledged in the documents, even as counter-discourses, mainly from opposition lawmakers, challenge these portrayals and call for people-centered, harm reduction approaches. CONCLUSION: Overall, these overlapping framings cast people who use drugs simultaneously as victims, criminals, deviants, and sick individuals to the detriment of their security, health, and well-being - and to the retrogression of drug policy in the country.
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Usuários de Drogas , Política , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Substâncias , Filipinas , Humanos , Usuários de Drogas/psicologia , Pesquisa Qualitativa , Política de SaúdeRESUMO
Throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, public officials in the United States - from the President to governors, mayors, lawmakers, and even school district commissioners - touted unproven treatments for COVID-19 alongside, and sometimes as opposed to, mask and vaccine mandates. Utilising the framework of 'pharmaceutical messianism', our article focuses on three such cures - hydroxychloroquine, ivermectin, and monoclonal antibodies - to explore how pharmaceuticals were mobilised within politicised pandemic discourses. Using the states of Utah, Texas, and Florida as illustrative examples, we make the case for paying attention to pharmaceutical messianism at the subnational and local levels, which can very well determine pandemic responses and outcomes in contexts such as the US where subnational governments have wide autonomy. Moreover, we argue that aside from the affordability of the treatments being studied and the heterodox knowledge claiming their efficacy, the widespread uptake of these cures was also informed by popular medical (including immunological) knowledge, pre-existing attitudes toward 'orthodox' measures like vaccines and masks, and mistrust toward authorities and institutions identified with the 'medical establishment'. Taken together, our case studies affirm the recurrent nature of pharmaceutical messianism in times of health crises - while also refining the concept and exposing its limitations.
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COVID-19 , Hidroxicloroquina , Política , SARS-CoV-2 , Humanos , COVID-19/epidemiologia , COVID-19/prevenção & controle , Estados Unidos , Hidroxicloroquina/uso terapêutico , Tratamento Farmacológico da COVID-19 , Ivermectina/uso terapêutico , Pandemias , Utah , Florida , TexasRESUMO
This article draws from qualitative interviews to provide the first in-depth exploration of reasons for engaging in chemsex in the Philippines. It articulates the many forms that drugs assume as pampalibog, or enhancers of libido, demonstrating the multidimensional pleasures of chemsex along overlapping sensorial and affective planes. By showing the inextricability of the corporeal to the affective, and of the emotional to the erotic, we contend that chemsex also involves the embodied and performed attainment of pleasure. As such, chemsex is both central to modern sexual scripts yet also a negotiable aspect of any sexual encounter. In constructing this rare account of drug use in settings of pleasure in the Philippines, we situate chemsex within a historical pattern of bodily tinkering and, more significantly, demystify people who use drugs by departing not only from global public health's pathologising approach to chemsex, but also from the scholarly tendency to locate drug use in the country within scenes of hardship and marginalisation.
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Drogas Ilícitas , Minorias Sexuais e de Gênero , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Substâncias , Masculino , Humanos , Homossexualidade Masculina/psicologia , Sexo sem Proteção/psicologia , Prazer , Filipinas , Comportamento Sexual/psicologia , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Substâncias/psicologiaRESUMO
A long-recognized problem of healthcare devolution in many developing countries is its inextricability from the influences of local politics. This has been particularly self-evident in the Philippines, where, since the adoption of the Local Government Code of 1991, the devolution of health governance, planning, administration and service delivery has placed the health system largely under the control of individual provinces, cities, municipalities and villages or barangays. In this article, we utilize the notion of 'kontra-partido' (the Filipino term connoting 'oppositional politics') to concretize local, oppositional politics as a lived experience of health workers, government officials and ordinary citizens in the country. Through multi-sited qualitative fieldwork, we demonstrate how 'kontra-partido' politics ultimately worsens health outcomes in any locality. We show how such politics figures in the relational dynamics of health governance, often resulting in petty infighting and strained relationships among local health authorities; how it leads to the politicization of appointments and prevents the local workforce, especially those at the grassroots, from doing their jobs efficiently amid environments rife with hostile patronage; and how it impedes service delivery as politicians prioritize 'visible' projects (over sustainable ones) and selectively deliver health care to their known supporters. In turn, health workers and ordinary citizens alike have been actively negotiating their roles within this political milieu, either by joining the so-called political frontlines or by engaging in the transactional relationships that develop between politicians and their constituents during perennial election seasons. We conclude with a reflection on the vulnerability of health to politicization and the visceral consequences of 'kontra-partido' politics to health workers, as well as an identification of possible areas of intervention for future policy reform, given the deepening political polarization in the country and the upcoming implementation of the recently passed Universal Health Care Law.
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Atenção à Saúde , Negociação , Humanos , Filipinas , Programas Governamentais , Política , Países em DesenvolvimentoRESUMO
Chemsex - the use of specific, illicit substances to facilitate and enhance sexual encounters - has been documented extensively across the Global North using qualitative methodologies. Elsewhere, however, little is known about the phenomenon. Our article addresses this gap in the scholarly literature by exploring how chemsex encounters transpire in the Philippines. Through semi-structured interviews, we demonstrate the spatiotemporal nature of chemsex scenes, showing how people move between physical and virtual domains across time as they find sexual partners, procure drugs, and organize and attend the actual encounter. Consequently, the risks faced by chemsex practitioners - to health and to security - are also spatiotemporally plotted within intersecting physical and virtual risk environments, and best mitigated by a form of experiential expertise that is likewise temporally determined. Ultimately, chemsex scenes in the Philippines are distinguished from the rest of the world by the state-led "war on drugs." We consider our findings in the context of this war, showing how its very real and often fatal threats have shaped the way people navigate chemsex scenes and mitigate the risks through "counterpublic health" measures, and how its prominent ideologies and discourses are reflected in the ways by which people make sense of their drug use.
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Long before recent calls to decolonize anthropology, practitioners of "national anthropologies"-such as local anthropologists from/in/of the Philippines-have sought to implement a more inclusive kind of scholarship, and this has been reflected in their citational practices. Indeed, a look at the scholarly output of Philippine anthropologists would show a diverse set of citations that feature local scholarship, including those written in Filipino. As I will show in this article, however, not all citations are equal. Theoretical and methodological citations are typically drawn from Euro-American scholars while scholarship from the Global South is typically invoked as illustrative examples, as parallels, and to set context. Such citational practices, I argue, are a consequence of particular disciplinary histories and divergent priorities. They reinforce the inequalities of power and academic capital within medical anthropology, raising the need for more reflexivity not just about whom medical anthropologists cite but for what reasons.
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Antropologia , Humanos , Antropologia Médica , FilipinasRESUMO
With the stated aims of promoting "drug-free" campuses and "instilling in the minds of students" that drugs are harmful, drug testing in schools has been a feature of the Philippines' punitive drug regime for two decades, gaining prominence during the Duterte administration's war on drugs (2016-2022). Drawing on key informant interviews and a desk review of news articles and official documents, this paper presents a historical overview of this policy as well as its impacts on students, educational institutions, and Philippine society. The paper finds that the group most affected by drug testing in schools are the students themselves, who are placed at risk of discrimination and alienation. Schools are also affected by the policy, as it requires expending their human and financial resources. More broadly, the policy perpetuates longstanding popular notions on drugs, children, and the overall idea that individuals carry the "burden of proof" to demonstrate their worthiness for societal inclusion. Drug testing in Philippine schools is ineffective and misguided in its objectives, but it has received widespread support because of its social and political efficacies.
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Política Pública , Instituições Acadêmicas , Criança , Humanos , Filipinas , EstudantesRESUMO
This article argues that local constructions of risky and safe spaces, as articulated by the notions 'loob' (inside) and 'labas' (outside), informed popular and political responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in the Philippines, leading to an overemphasis on staying at home and, conversely, a general avoidance or fear of outdoor spaces that was at times reinforced by public health authorities. Practices and policies related to the pandemic response rendered this binary opposition between 'loob' and 'labas' visible, from regulations concerning the use of personal protective equipment to restrictions of access to outdoor spaces. While this emergent form of bodily proxemics was contested and negotiated over time, its tenacity throughout the pandemic underscores the importance of understanding how people spatialize risk in times of health crises.
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COVID-19 , Humanos , COVID-19/epidemiologia , Pandemias , Filipinas/epidemiologia , Medo , Saúde PúblicaRESUMO
Racism, xenophobia, and discrimination are key determinants of health and equity and must be addressed for improved health outcomes. We conclude that far broader, deeper, transformative action is needed compared with current measures to tackle adverse effects of racism on health. To challenge the structural drivers of racism and xenophobia, anti-racist action and other wider measures that target determinants should implement an intersectional approach to effectively address the causes and consequences of racism within a population. Structurally, legal instruments and human rights law provide a robust framework to challenge the pervasive drivers of disadvantage linked to caste, ethnicity, Indigeneity, migratory status, race, religion, and skin colour. Actions need to consider the historical, economic, and political contexts in which the effects of racism, xenophobia, and discrimination affect health. We propose several specific actions: a commission that explores how we action the approaches laid out in this paper; building a conversation and a series of events with international multilateral agency stakeholders to raise the issue and profile of racism, xenophobia, and discrimination within health; and using our multiple platforms to build coalitions, expand knowledge, highlight inequities, and advocate for change across the world.
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Racismo , Humanos , Xenofobia , Atenção à Saúde , Etnicidade , Classe SocialRESUMO
Achieving blood pressure control is among the highest priorities for reducing the burden of cardiovascular diseases globally. Control is poor in the Philippines, especially in socioeconomically marginalised communities. This paper explores long-term adherence to anti-hypertensive medication in these communities, identifying 4 distinct medication adherence patterns. We draw on Strong Structuration Theory to explore motivations of action for those who are consistently adherent, consistently non-adherent, and those who became more or less adherent over time. We employ longitudinal qualitative methods comprising repeat interviews and digital diaries collected over 12 months by 34 participants. Twelve participants were consistently adherent, 9 consistently non-adherent, 9 increasingly adherent, and 4 increasingly non-adherent. For the consistently adherent, positive views about prescribed medication and family support encouraged adherence. Conversely, negative views of medication and lack of family support were notable amongst the consistently non-adherent, along with resistance to accepting a 'sick' label. A shift toward positive views of medication was detected amongst those whose adherence improved, along with worsening health and increased family support. A decrease in financial resources drove some participants to become less adherent, especially if they already held negative views toward medication. This study sheds light on the variety of medication adherence patterns among poor people with hypertension in the Philippines, as well as the complex web of elements influencing their treatment choices. The results point to the potential for measures that address concerns about medicines and increase family support.
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Patients' embodied experiences do not always correspond to the biomedical concepts of particular diseases. Drawing from year-long fieldwork in the Philippines that involved semi-structured interviews, focus group discussions and digital diaries, we examine how individuals 'do' hypertension through their embodied experiences and the knowledge and practice that emerge from them. Drawing inspiration from Annemarie Mol's work on the notion of 'multiplicity' of disease, our analysis was informed by a commitment to privileging patients' embodied experiences and the multiple ontologies of hypertension. We find that for patients diagnosed with hypertension in the Philippines, symptoms enact illness; patients rely on their own embodied knowledge to define their illness' nature (e.g., diagnosis), experience (e.g., frequency of symptoms and non-chronicity) and praxis (e.g., self-care practices). We show how this knowledge gained from having embodied experiences of living with the disease interacts in various ways with biomedical knowledge, other diagnostic labels and clinical practices, to shape how hypertension manifests and is managed by patients. Beyond interrogating the relationship between what counts as a 'disease' and what is considered a 'symptom', our findings underscore the need to pay attention instead to the mutually co-constitutive processes of embodied experiences and disease categories in co-producing patient knowledge.
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Hipertensão , Autogestão , Grupos Focais , Humanos , Hipertensão/terapia , FilipinasRESUMO
Drawing on face-to-face and virtual fieldwork in the Philippines, I document the emergence of antibody testing as a popular practice among Filipinos during the COVID-19 pandemic, helping them make decisions about vaccines and other life choices. Antibodies gave people a sense of agency and control amid a health crisis for which political and medical authorities failed to offer certainty and hope, particularly at a time of vaccine scarcity and viral surges. However, by diverting attention from the health care system to individual immune systems, antibodies also reinforced the individual "responsibilization" that has characterized the Philippine government's pandemic response.
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COVID-19 , Vacinas , Antropologia Médica , Atenção à Saúde , Humanos , Pandemias , FilipinasRESUMO
The international consensus to end compulsory drug treatments and close forced rehabilitation facilities needs urgent transformation to country policies. In the Philippines, as with other countries in Asia, rehabilitation can be compulsory and is seen as the humane alternative to the "war on drugs." In this paper, we present the landscape of rehabilitation and narrate the ways in which people who use drugs are forced to undergo treatment. We unpack the politics behind rehabilitation and explain the sociocultural foundations that support compulsory treatment. We argue that a transition to a human rights-based approach, including voluntary alternatives in community settings, is possible by capitalizing on the reforms that are, unwittingly, the result of the "war on drugs."
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Direitos Humanos , Política , Ásia , Países em Desenvolvimento , Humanos , FilipinasRESUMO
In this essay, I show that notwithstanding the undeniable colonial origins of punitive drug policies around the world, such policies have figured in nationalist projects and populist platforms in various postcolonial states, and today they are viewed as local responses to the 'drug problem.' Instead, it is harm reduction and other efforts to reform drug policies that are seen as a colonial, or Western, imposition. I argue that to overcome such perceptions, there is a need to decolonize harm reduction alongside decolonizing drug policies. I conclude by offering recommendations toward this move, including involving Global South actors in leadership positions within the harm reduction movement, supporting pilot harm reduction programs in postcolonial states, and highlighting local scholarship.
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Redução do Dano , Política Pública , HumanosRESUMO
As part of their populist performances during disease outbreaks, public officials and politicians tend to offer 'miracle cures' or 'wonder drugs' that can supposedly treat or prevent the disease in question. This article analyzes contemporary instances of what we call 'pharmaceutical messianism' and proposes four characteristics for this phenomenon, namely, that it: (1) emerges during times of extraordinary health crisis; (2) builds on pre-existing knowledge, practices, and sentiments; (3) borrows from medical, often heterodox, authority; and (4) involves accessible, affordable, and/or familiar substances. Demonstrating the analytic value of our framework, we present three case studies, constructed using academic and journalistic sources, during the COVID-19 pandemic: hydroxychloroquine in France, ivermectin in the Philippines, and Covid-Organics in Madagascar. We conclude by identifying some implications of our findings on public health and avenues for future research.