Caregivers' Attention Toward, and Response to, Their Child's Interoceptive Hunger and Thirst Cues.

People can use their internal state to determine if they are hungry or thirsty. Although the meaning of some interoceptive cues may be innate (e.g., pain), it is possible that others-including those for hunger and thirst-are acquired. There has been little exploration of this idea in humans. Consequently, we conducted a survey among child caregivers to determine if the basic conditions necessary for interoceptive learning were present. Two-hundred and thirty-five caregivers of children aged 1-12 years were asked if they had recently noticed stomach rumbling, hunger-related irritability, and a dry mouth in their child. They were also asked how they would respond. The impact of several moderating variables, especially caregiver beliefs about the causes of hunger, fullness, and thirst, was also explored. Fifteen percent of caregivers had recently noticed stomach rumbling in their child, 28% hunger-related irritability, and 14% a dry mouth. Forty-four percent of caregivers had noticed at least one of these three cues. Noticing hunger cues was significantly moderated by caregiver beliefs about their cause, by child age, and in one case by temporal context (around vs. outside mealtimes). Key caregiver responses were providing the need (e.g., offer food) and/or asking the child if they had a need (e.g., hungry?). Each type of response could potentially support a different form of interoceptive learning. In conclusion, we suggest the necessary conditions for children to learn interoceptive hunger and thirst cues, are present in many caregiver-offspring dyads.

Parent-offspring similarity in hunger and thirst sensations.

The internal (i.e., interoceptive) sensations that characterise hunger vary between people, and this may also be the case for thirst, although it has not been so well explored. There are probably both heritable and learning-based causes for this interoceptive variability. Consequently, it would seem plausible that parents and their offspring would have more similar patterns of hunger and thirst than pairs of strangers. We tested this idea, in addition to exploring its potential moderating variables, by studying the similarity of self-reported hunger and thirst sensations in 170 students and their primary caregivers from childhood. Both students and caregivers completed the same online-survey, covering hunger and thirst sensations, beliefs about the causes of hunger and thirst, the Three Factor Eating Questionnaire (revised) and demographic data. We find evidence of robust student-caregiver similarity in interoceptive hunger and thirst sensations (medium effect sizes), with these being moderated by caregiver beliefs about the homeostatic nature of each state (medium effect sizes). This suggests a potential role for caregivers in the development of their offspring's interoceptive cues for hunger and for thirst. In addition, thirst, like hunger, appears to be multidimensional, and varies between people. The implications of these findings are discussed.