A survey of what legal populations believe and know about inattentional blindness and visual detection.

Inattentional blindness refers to when people fail to notice obvious and unexpected events when their attention is elsewhere. Existing research suggests that inattentional blindness is a poorly understood concept that violates the beliefs that are commonly held by the public about vision and attention. Given that legal cases may involve individuals who may have experienced inattentional blindness, it is important to understand the beliefs legal populations and members of the community have about inattentional blindness, and their general familiarity and experience with the concept. Australian police officers (n = 94) and lawyers (n = 98), along with psychology students (n = 99) and community members (n = 100) completed a survey where they: a) stated whether an individual would have noticed an event in six legal vignettes, b) rated whether factors would make an individual more, less, or just as likely to notice an unexpected event, c) reported their familiarity with and personal experiences of inattentional blindness, and d) indicated whether they believed individuals could make themselves more likely to notice unexpected events. Respondents in all populations frequently responded "yes" to detecting the unexpected event in most legal vignettes. They also held misconceptions about some factors (expertise and threat) that would influence the noticing of unexpected events. Additionally, personal experiences with inattentional blindness were commonly reported. Finally, respondents provided strategies for what individuals can do to make themselves more likely to notice of unexpected events, despite a lack of evidence to support them. Overall, these findings provide direction for where education and training could be targeted to address misconceptions about inattentional blindness held by legal populations, which may lead to improved decision-making in legal settings.

The effects of episode spacing on adult's reports of a repeated event.

Witnesses' reports of repeated events have been the focus of much research; however, the spacing interval between each episode of the event has differed greatly. The aim of the current study was to determine whether spacing interval affects participants' memory reports. Adults (N = 217) watched one (n = 52) or four videos depicting workplace bullying. The repeated event participants watched the four videos all in one day (n = 55), one per day over four consecutive days (n = 60), or one every three days over 12 days (n = 50). One week after the last (or only) video, participants reported on that video and answered some reflective questions about the procedure. Repeated-event participants also reported on what usually happens across the videos. Single-event participants reported proportionally more accurate information about the target video than repeated-event participants, and spacing interval did not affect repeated event participants' accuracy. However, accuracy scores were close to ceiling while errors rates were at floor levels, preventing us from drawing strong conclusions. We found some evidence that episode spacing affected participants' perceptions of their memory performance. Overall, spacing may have a minimal effect on adults' memory for repeated events, but further research is required.

The effects of immediate recall and subsequent retrieval strategy on eyewitness memory.

The current study investigated the effects of immediate recall and subsequent interview on mock witnesses' memory of a crime. After watching a video of a crime, 111 participants were randomly allocated to an immediate recall condition (the iWitnessed mobile app, free recall). One week later, participants were randomly allocated to a retrieval condition (timeline aid, category clustering recall, free recall). Results showed that iWitnessed elicited more correct details than free recall at immediate recall (Time 1), without compromising accuracy. However, the immediate recall tool did not affect memory performance at a one-week delay (Time 2). At Time 2, participants with retrieval support (timeline aid, category clustering recall) reported more details than those with no retrieval support (free recall), without compromising accuracy. The findings highlight that high-quality immediate recall and retrieval support during a subsequent interview are necessary to elicit more complete and accurate accounts.

The perceived credibility of repeated-event witnesses depends upon their veracity.

For repeated crimes like domestic violence and workplace bullying, the primary evidence is often the alleged victim's testimony. Consequently, the perceived credibility of repeated event speakers can be pivotal to legal proceedings. In order to investigate perceptions of truthful and deceptive repeated-event speakers, undergraduate students observed interviews of speakers describing a single occurrence of an event that was either experienced or fabricated either once or multiple times. Some participants additionally read an expert statement on repeated-event memory. The effect of repetition on perceived credibility depended on the speaker's veracity, enhancing the credibility of fabricators but diminishing the credibility of truth-tellers. The expert testimony was found to raise the perceived honesty and cognitive competence of the repeated-event speakers and thus could be a promising mechanism for enhancing perceived credibility in legal proceedings.

The impact of recall timing on the preservation of eyewitness memory.

Two studies investigated the impact of recall timing on eyewitness memory. In Study 1, participants viewed a crime video and then completed the Self-Administered Interview (SAI©) either immediately, after a 24-h delay, after a 1-week delay, or not at all. All participants completed a final recall questionnaire 2 weeks after they had viewed the stimulus video. Study 2 aimed to determine how long the beneficial impact of the SAI© on witnesses' long-term memory lasts. Participants watched a crime video and then either completed the SAI© or did not engage in an immediate recall attempt. Participants then completed a final recall questionnaire after a delay of 24 h, 1 week, 2 weeks, or 1 month. The results indicated that initial recall should be completed within 24 h of an incident and that under these conditions, the beneficial impact of early recall on long-term memory endures for at least 1 month.

Adult memory for instances of emotionally stressful and non-stressful repeated events.

Repeated offences, such as domestic violence, are often distressing for victims. When victims of such offences make an allegation of abuse, they are usually required to report details about specific incidents. Therefore, this pre-registered study examined whether memory for an emotionally stressful versus non-stressful repeated event would differ depending on the instance being recalled. Eighty female participants (Mage = 22.3, SD = 7.4) imagined being involved in four abusive (emotionally stressful repeated event) or non-abusive relationship instances (non-stressful repeated event) over a four-week period. One-week after the last instance, participants completed recall and source memory questions about each instance. We found no evidence that memory for stressful versus non-stressful repeated events differed depending on the instance being recalled. Instead, we found that memory was more accurate for the last instance relative to the other instances (i.e., recency effect), regardless of event stressfulness. We also found that memory accuracy was better across all instances in the stressful than the non-stressful group. The findings suggest that victim-survivors of abuse might find the last instance of abuse particularly memorable when the delay between the offence and report is one-week or less, and the stressfulness of the instance might help them recall more details.

Does experiencing inattentional blindness for crime influence eyewitness recall?

Witnesses may not notice crimes occurring when their attention is elsewhere, which may affect their memory. In this study, 174 participants completed an attention-demanding task while viewing a video containing an assault. Whether participants noticed the assault or experienced inattentional blindness for it was assessed. Then, participants were exposed to post-event information (containing misinformation) before completing a cued-recall task under one of three recall instructions (free, forced, or no instruction). Most participants experienced inattentional blindness for the assault (65.5%), which had a negative effect on recall, regardless of recall instruction. Specifically, participants who experienced inattentional blindness were less confident, complete, and accurate, and were more likely to report misinformation, than participants who noticed the crime. Witnesses who experienced inattentional blindness reported that they relied purely on post-event information to answer some questions. The findings suggest that caution should be taken when interviewing witnesses who have not paid attention to a crime.

Stopping crime? The effect of crime re-enactments on eyewitness memory.

Crime re-enactments broadcast on television encourage witnesses to provide information regarding unsolved crimes. However, given that eyewitness memory can be altered through exposure to post-event information, it is possible that crime re-enactments may influence the memory of eyewitnesses. The current studies examined the effects of crime re-enactments on eyewitness memory. In two experiments (Experiment 1 with a distractor task, Experiment 2 without a distractor task), participants were shown one of three versions of a crime video that differed in their ambiguity. One week later half of the participants viewed a crime re-enactment. All participants then completed a guided free- and cued-recall task regarding the original event. Across both studies, exposure to the re-enactment did not improve eyewitness memory; instead, participants who viewed the re-enactment were more likely to accept the misinformation in the re-enactment. The findings shed light on potential issues with using crime re-enactments to elicit eyewitness accounts.

Adult memory for specific instances of a repeated event: a preliminary review.

In cases of repeated victimisation, a complainant's statement of abuse, and therefore memory, is often critical evidence for forensic investigations and legal proceedings. It is therefore important to understand the functioning of adults' memory for repeated events. As such, the purpose of this paper was to review the extant literature on adult memory for instances of a repeated event. The results of the review revealed a small number of heterogeneous studies on adult repeated-event memory (N = 12). The literature so far shows that while adults might have difficulty in recalling information specific to instances (narrow accuracy), they are capable of remembering information across multiple instances (broad accuracy). It was also found that several factors may impact recall of instances including age, the number of experienced instances, rehearsing an event, repeated retrieval and event distinctiveness. The discussion highlights the forensic implications of this research and future research directions.

Adult memory for instances of a repeated emotionally stressful event: does retention interval matter?

This pre-registered study examined the impact of different retention intervals on remembering each instance of an emotionally stressful, repeated event. Eighty-nine adult female participants imagined being a victim of four similar domestic violence instances over a four-week period. Participants then completed recall and recognition memory questions about each instance either immediately, one-week, or three-weeks after the final instance. Overall, the findings showed that memory performance was often most accurate for the first and last instance compared to the middle instances. That is, participants reported more correct information, made fewer memory errors, and had better quality memory reports for the first and last instances compared to the middle instances. However, following a short delay (i.e., no delay and one-week), participants reported more correct information and were better at discriminating between correct and false details for the last instance relative to the others instances, while at a longer delay (i.e., three-weeks), more correct information was recalled for the first instance compared to other instances (there was no effect for memory discrimination). These findings suggest that memory for instances of a repeated event can depend on the position of an instance, and under some circumstances, the retention interval.

Law and (rec)order: Updating memory for criminal events with body-worn cameras.

Body-worn video is increasingly relied upon in the criminal justice system, however it is unclear how viewing chest-mounted video may affect a police officer's statement about an event. In the present study, we asked whether reviewing footage from an experienced event could shape an individual's statement, and if so, whether reporting before reviewing may preserve an officer's original experience. Student participants (n = 97) were equipped with chest-mounted cameras as they viewed a simulated theft in virtual reality. One week later, half of the participants recalled the event in an initial statement while the other half did not. Participants then viewed either their body-worn video or a control video. Finally, participants provided their statement (no initial statement condition) or were given the opportunity to amend their original account (initial statement condition). Results revealed that viewing body-worn video enhanced the completeness and accuracy of individuals' free recall statements. However, whilst reviewing footage enabled individuals to exclude errors they had written in their initial statements, they also excluded true details that were uncorroborated by the camera footage (i.e., details which individuals experienced, but that their camera did not record). Such camera conformity is discussed in light of the debate on when an officer should access their body-worn video during an investigation and the influence of post-event information on memory.

The effects of perceived memory ability on memory conformity for an event.

The present study investigated the impact of false feedback about individual memory performance relative to a co-witness on susceptibility to misinformation. Pairs of participants (n = 130; 65 pairs) completed a visual memory test and received false feedback on their performance indicating that the memory ability of one participant in the pair was stronger relative to the other participant. The participants then viewed a crime video (either the same video or one slightly different to their partner) and discussed their memories for this video with their co-witness. Participants completed a semi-cued recall task and a recognition test about the video. False memory feedback indicating lower relative performance was associated with significant increases in sensitivity to misinformation. The results are discussed in reference to the potential contributions that co-witnesses' perceptions of both their partner's reliability and their own reliability have on event memory.

The effects of repeatedly recalling a traumatic event on eyewitness memory and suggestibility.

The aims of this study were to examine the effects of repeatedly recalling a traumatic event on recall performance and eyewitness suggestibility. We also investigated whether these effects were moderated by the type of details recalled and the completeness of retrieval. Participants watched a video depicting a fatal car accident and were randomly allocated to one of four conditions in which they: (1) repeatedly recalled the traumatic (central) details of the event only (trauma-focused); (2) repeatedly recalled the non-traumatic (peripheral) details of the event only (non-trauma focused); (3) repeatedly recalled the entire video (complete); or (4) did not recall the video at all (no-recall control). Results indicated that repeated complete recall was beneficial for memory retention of the entire traumatic event and that, in general, trauma-related (central) post-event information (PEI) was less likely to be reported than trauma-unrelated (peripheral) PEI. It was also found that repeated trauma-focused recall increased trauma-related confabulations. These results not only illustrate the value of repeated complete recall to best preserve the integrity of eyewitness memory, but, perhaps more critically, warn of the dangers of repeatedly questioning witnesses specifically about the central or traumatic details of an event.

The Amplification of Common Somatic Symptoms by Posttraumatic Stress Disorder in Firefighters.

Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in emergency service personnel and other trauma-exposed populations is known to be associated with a variety of physical health problems. However, little attention has been paid to the health of ageing emergency service personnel, who may be forced into early medical retirement because of a combination of these issues. Currently employed (N = 274) Australian firefighters completed a cross-sectional survey using validated, self-report measures of PTSD and somatic symptoms. Analyses examined the association between probable PTSD and a range of common somatic symptoms, and whether any association differed depending on the age of the firefighters. Firefighters with PTSD reported greater levels of neurological (p = .024), gastrointestinal (p = .015), and cardiorespiratory (p = .027) symptoms compared to those without PTSD. After adjusting for sex, age, and rank, linear regression analysis demonstrated that PTSD was significantly associated with increased total somatic symptom severity (p = .024), with PTSD accounting for 9.8% of the variance in levels of somatic symptoms. There was no interaction between age and the association between PTSD and somatic symptom severity. These results suggest that PTSD is associated with a significant increase in a wide range of somatic symptoms among firefighters, regardless of age. The implications for the identification and treatment of PTSD are discussed.

Do emotional stimuli enhance or impede recall relative to neutral stimuli? An investigation of two "false memory" tasks.

Many eyewitness memory situations involve negative and distressing events; however, many studies investigating "false memory" phenomena use neutral stimuli only. The aim of the present study was to determine how both the Deese-Roediger-McDermott (DRM) procedure and the Misinformation Effect Paradigm tasks were related to each other using distressing and neutral stimuli. Participants completed the DRM (with negative and neutral word lists) and viewed a distressing or neutral film. Misinformation for the film was introduced and memory was assessed. Film accuracy and misinformation susceptibility were found to be greater for those who viewed the distressing film relative to the neutral film. Accuracy responses on both tasks were related, however, susceptibility to the DRM illusion and Misinformation Effect were not. The misinformation findings support the Paradoxical Negative Emotion (PNE) hypothesis that negative stimuli will lead to remembering more accurate details but also greater likelihood of memory distortion. However, the PNE hypothesis was not supported for the DRM results. The findings also suggest that the DRM and Misinformation tasks are not equivalent and may have differences in underlying mechanisms. Future research should focus on more ecologically valid methods of assessing false memory.

Cortisol response and psychological distress predict susceptibility to false memories for a trauma film.

For eyewitness testimony to be considered reliable, it is important to ensure memory remains accurate following the event. As many testimonies involve traumatic, as opposed to neutral, events, it is important to consider the role of distress in susceptibility to false memories. The aim of this study was to investigate whether cortisol response following a stressor would be associated with susceptibility to false memories. Psychological distress responses were also investigated, specifically, dissociation, intrusions, and avoidance. Participants were allocated to one of three conditions: those who viewed a neutral film (N = 35), those who viewed a real trauma film (N = 35), and a trauma "reappraisal" group where participants were told the film was not real (N = 35). All received misinformation about the film in the form of a narrative. Participants provided saliva samples (to assess cortisol) and completed distress and memory questionnaires. Cortisol response was a significant predictor of the misinformation effect. Dissociation and avoidance were related to confabulations. In conclusion, following a stressor an individual may differ with regard to their psychological response to the event, and also whether they experience a cortisol increase. This may affect whether they are more distressed later on, and also whether they remember the event accurately.

The mental health of fire-fighters: An examination of the impact of repeated trauma exposure.

OBJECTIVE: Emergency workers, such as fire-fighters, are routinely exposed to potentially traumatic events. While a number of studies have examined the occurrence of post-traumatic stress disorder, the role of multiple traumas on other mental health sequelae, such as depression and alcohol misuse, among emergency workers remains unclear. This study aimed to assess the prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder, depression and alcohol misuse in a sample of current and retired fire-fighters and examine their relationship with cumulative trauma exposure. METHOD: A cross-sectional survey was completed by current (n = 488) and retired (n = 265) fire-fighters from Fire and Rescue New South Wales, Australia. Demographic and occupational information was collected, including the number of fatal incidents fire-fighters reported attending across years of service. Validated, self-report measures were used to determine probable caseness for post-traumatic stress disorder, depression and heavy drinking. RESULTS: Among current fire-fighters, rates of post-traumatic stress disorder and depression were 8% and 5%, respectively, while 4% reported consumption of more than 42 alcoholic drinks per week. Retired fire-fighters reported significantly greater levels of symptomatology, with the prevalence estimates of post-traumatic stress disorder at 18% (p = 0.001), depression at 18% (p < 0.001) and heavy drinking at 7%. There was a significant positive linear relationship between the number of fatal incidents attended and rates of post-traumatic stress disorder, depression and heavy drinking. CONCLUSION: Fire-fighters suffer from high rates of mental disorders, with rates of post-traumatic stress disorder, depression and heavy drinking continuing to rise in a linear manner with each additional trauma exposure. The level of psychiatric morbidity among retired fire-fighters appears to be particularly high. Our findings have important implications for the ongoing debates surrounding the detection of mental disorders in high-risk occupations and for policy considerations around the welfare of current and retired emergency workers.

How does immediate recall of a stressful event affect psychological response to it?

BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES: In forensic settings, individuals who experience a traumatic event are often encouraged to recall it soon afterwards to preserve their memory for it. Some theories of the development of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) suggest that this may increase psychopathology. The primary aim of the study was to examine the effect of immediate recall of a trauma analogue video on psychopathology. METHOD: Eighty-five undergraduate students were randomised to view a video of a car accident, described as either a real event (high stress) or training event (low stress). They then completed either the Self-Administered Interview (SAI©, Gabbert, Hope, & Fisher, 2009) or a filler task. All participants returned one week later to provide an account of the event. RESULTS: As predicted, participants in the SAI early recall task condition remembered the video content better one week after seeing the video, shown both by their greater recall of correct details and greater rejection of misinformation. However, completing the SAI resulted in higher anxiety immediately afterwards, and more severe PTSD-like symptoms one week later, compared to control condition. PTSD intrusion-like symptoms also predicted more accurate recall, while avoidance predicted poorer memory. LIMITATIONS: While the trauma analogue video used in this study has been previously used, and did effectively trigger post-traumatic-like symptoms, it is unclear how well these results generalise to actual trauma situations. CONCLUSIONS: These results suggest the relationship between PTSD symptoms and memory might be more complex than previously recognised, with intrusive phenomena possibly promoting memory and avoidance symptoms compromising memory.

Do distress responses to a traumatic film predict susceptibility to the misinformation effect?

The misinformation effect is defined as an impairment in memory for past events due to exposure to misleading information (E. F. Loftus, 2005 ). Some people may be more susceptible to the misinformation effect than others, and this may also depend on their response to a distressing event. The purpose of the current study was to investigate several key factors that may contribute to misinformation susceptibility for distressing events, namely posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms such as avoidance, intrusions, and dissociation. Participants watched either a neutral or trauma film, rated their level of distress, and completed measures of trait and state dissociation. When participants returned a week later, misinformation was introduced via an eyewitness statement and free recall was assessed. Findings indicated that dissociation was related to higher distress ratings following the film but was not related to acceptance of misinformation. However, avoidance scores were related to increased recall of misinformation items, and reported experiences of intrusions were related to greater accuracy. These results are discussed in light of the paradoxical negative emotion hypothesis.

Collaborative recall and collective memory: what happens when we remember together?

Studies of collective memory have traditionally been the domain of philosophers and sociologists, while cognitive psychologists have largely investigated memory at the level of the individual. However, within cognitive psychology there is a variety of psychological theories and experimental paradigms that have been used to study the process and outcomes of remembering in groups. In this paper we review the research on group remembering and draw together findings from different traditions. In doing so, we aim to answer a series of questions about the outcomes and consequences of recalling in groups, and the particular features of groups and of memories that may be conducive to the formation of a collective memory. In clarifying what we know and what is yet to be studied about group memory, we point the way forward for a cognitive psychological study of collective memory.