Decent work and ethical ideologies of nurses-A multicenter cross-sectional study.

Background: Although research has established that the work environment significantly shapes nurses' ethical behavior, it's less clear whether decent work could influence ethical ideologies of nurses. Aim: To investigate the decent work conditions and ethical ideologies of nurses, and to analyze whether decent work influences their ethical ideologies. Methods: A multicenter cross-sectional survey was conducted among 203 nurses working in three tertiary governmental hospitals across two cities in Egypt. We utilized the Scale of Decent Work, which consists of 15 items distributed across five dimensions, to assess the level of decent work conditions. Additionally, the Ethics Position Questionnaire, containing 20 items divided into two categories-idealism and relativism-was used to evaluate the ethical ideologies of nurses. Pearson correlation and linear regression analyses were applied to analyze the data. Ethical considerations: Ethical approval from the ethics committee, institutional permission, and informed consent from the participants were obtained for data collection. Results: The findings indicated that the levels of decent work conditions were moderate, while the ethical ideologies of nurses were relatively high. Stepwise multiple linear regression analyses revealed that the idealism of nurses was significantly predicted by two dimensions of decent work-organizational values, and hours allowing for free time and rest-along with the overall decent work score. Meanwhile, the relativism of nurses was significantly predicted by the presence of physically and interpersonally safe working conditions. Conclusions: Nurses experiencing decent work conditions characterized by high organizational values and adequate hours for free time and rest are more inclined to adopt idealistic ethical ideology. Meanwhile, those experiencing physically and interpersonally safe working conditions tend to embrace relativistic ethical ideology. Implications for clinical practice: Identifying the relationship between decent work conditions and the ethical ideologies of nurses can assist hospital administrators in fostering work conditions that promote appropriate ethical ideologies among nurses.

Skin tone ideologies, body shame, and sexual risk in Latinx young adults: The role of self-esteem.

Latinx young adults in the U.S. experience significant disparities related to body image and sexual health. These challenges partly stem from the intersections of racism, ethnocentrism, and colorism perpetuated through Eurocentric beauty standards and norms surrounding sexuality. Despite the salience of skin tone within the Latinx community, the impact of skin tone ideologies on body shame and sexual risk remains unexplored. Addressing this gap, the present study examined the influence of skin tone ideologies (i.e., colorist attraction and skin tone self-concept) on sexual risk and body shame among a sample of 539 Latinx young adults. The study also explored the potential moderating effect of self-esteem on colorist attraction and skin tone self-concept on body shame and sexual risk. Results revealed that both colorist attraction and skin-tone self-concept were positively associated with body shame. Colorist attraction was positively associated with sexual risk, whereas skin tone self-concept was not associated. Furthermore, self-esteem moderated the positive significant association between skin tone self-concept and body shame, such that the association was only significant among Latinx young adults who reported mean and high levels of self-esteem; self-esteem did not moderate any of the other study's associations. These findings inform the development of tailored mental and sexual health interventions to reduce health disparities among Latinx young adults, considering the influence of skin tone socialization.

Influence of Political Ideology on Colorectal Cancer Screening Among Adults in the United States.

BACKGROUND: Political ideologies have emerged as one of the risk factors driving healthcare decisions, including colorectal cancer screening in US adults. Previous links between conservative viewpoints and lower awareness of preventive health services have been established. We aimed to evaluate how differences in political ideology affect CRC screening practices using a nationally representative sample of US adults. METHODS: Using data from the 2020 Health Information National Trends Survey (HINTS), we compared compliance with CRC screening guidelines between conservative, moderate, and liberal political groups. Survey-weighted multivariable logistic regression models were employed to ascertain the relationship between political ideology and CRC screening. RESULTS: Of the 3368 respondents, 71.0% (95% CI: 67.8, 74.0) were screened for CRC. A total of 1026 (30.5%) were liberal, 1148 (34.1%) were moderate, and 1194 (35.4%) were conservative. Out of the conservatives (78.8%) were non-Hispanic Whites compared to moderates (61.4%) and liberals (64.0%). There was no significant difference in age, level of education, or income group by political ideology. In adjusted models, there was no significant difference in CRC screening by political ideology. CONCLUSION: Contrary to previous ties, we found no significant differences in compliance with CRC screening guidelines among these groups, concluding that CRC screening remains a significant health concern for all individuals, irrespective of political ideologies.

Debates Feministas en Revistas Argentinas de la Primera Mitad del Siglo XX / Debates Feministas em Revistas Argentinas da Primeira Metade do Século XX / Feminists Debates in Argentine Magazines of the First Half of the 20th Century

En el ámbito de la investigación histórica sobre las particularidades de los "feminismos" en la Argentina, el objetivo del presente artículo es abordar esta problemática, con base en las revistas feministas (Nuestra causa, Vida Femenina, Criterio), publicadas en el transcurso de la mitad del siglo XX. En continuidad con líneas de investigación anteriores, proponemos profundizar en los debates producidos entre las mujeres feministas, que, con el fin de la defensa de derechos, exponen diversos grupos ideológicos alojados en instituciones que a menudo están en conflicto. Las discusiones reflejadas por la lectura de fuentes de primera mano nos han dado la posibilidad de llegar a algunas conclusiones preliminares sobre la pertenencia ideológica-política de los grupos de mujeres, que sustenta la edición de las revistas, y las razones de los debates. Dada las posibilidades de espacio, recortamos, tres corrientes que se desprenden del análisis de las fuentes: la vertiente feminista de tradición socialista, las agrupaciones que representan ideologías liberales y por último las mujeres católicas. Con respecto a éste último grupo interesará a los fines de la discusión incorporar, la Revista Sur, dirigida por Victoria Ocampo (1890-1986), que permitirá examinar los debates y discrepancias ideológicas entre las mujeres católicas y las liberales.

No âmbito da pesquisa histórica sobre as particularidades dos "feminismos" na Argentina, o objetivo deste artigo é abordar esta questão com base em levantamento das revistas feministas (Nuestra causa, Vida Femenina, Criterio), publicadas ao longo da primeira metade do século XX. Em continuidade com linhas de pesquisa anteriores, propomos aprofundar nos debates produzidos entre as mulheres feministas que, com o objetivo de defender direitos, revelam diversos grupos ideológicos abrigados em instituições frequentemente em confronto. As discussões decorrentes da leitura de fontes primárias nos deram a possibilidade de chegar a algumas conclusões preliminares sobre a pertença ideológico-política dos grupos de mulheres que sustentam a edição das revistas, e as razões para os debates. Dadas as possibilidades de espaço, apresentaremos três correntes que emergem da análise das fontes: o lado feminista da tradição socialista, os grupos que representam as ideologias liberais e, finalmente, as mulheres católicas. Com respeito a este último grupo, incorporamos a revista Sur, dirigida por Victoria Ocampo (1890-1986), que nos permitirá examinar os debates e as discrepâncias ideológicas entre as mulheres católicas e liberais.

Within the framework of historical inquiries into the specific features of "feminisms" in Argentina, this article aims to address this issue on the basis of a new study of feminist journals (Nuestra causa, Vida Femenina, Criterio), published in the mid-20th century. In keeping with previous lines of research, we intend to delve into the debates between feminist women, which, with the purpose of defending rights, reveal diverse ideological groups supported by institutions that were often at odds with each other. The discussions reflected by the reading of first-hand sources will give us the possibility of reaching some preliminary conclusions about the ideological-political affiliation of the women's groups that underpins the publication of the magazines and the reasons for the debates. Given the possibilities of space, we will limit ourselves to three currents that emerge from the analysis of the sources: the feminist trend in the socialist tradition, the groups representing liberal ideologies and, finally, the Catholic women. With regard to the latter group, for the purposes of the discussion, we will be concerned here with the Revista Sur, directed by Victoria Ocampo (1890-1986), which will allow us to examine the debates and ideological discrepancies between Catholic and liberal women.

La parentalidad como practica de lo político / Parenting as a political practice / A parentalidade como prática do político / La parentalité comme pratique du politique

El objetivo de este artículo de revisión es comprender cómo se construye lo político en las relaciones entre padres e hijos. Para cumplirlo, se analizaron artículos publicados entre 2000 y 2016, que partieran de una noción amplia sobre socialización política y aportaran información para comprenderla desde el subsistema parental. Su análisis permitió identificar las siguientes categorías emergentes: ejercicio de la parentalidad en sociedades específicas, socialización política y parentalidad como práctica de lo político. En este artículo desarrollamos las dos últimas. Las investigaciones revisadas permitieron establecer que la parentalidad constituye una práctica de lo político en diferentes sentidos: constituye una responsabilidad ciudadana regulada por instancias de poder; transmite ideologías políticas; el ejercicio de poder entre padres e hijos contribuye en la construcción de ciudadanos capaces de adaptarse o resistir. Mediante la parentalidad, se construyen emociones y nociones políticas, sustentadas por formas de activismo que pueden provenir de padres o hijos.

This reviewing paper aims to understand how the political is built in the relationships between parents and children. To reach it, studies published between 2000 and 2016 were analyzed. It was chosen studies based on a broad notion ofpolitical socialization, which provide information to understand it from the parental subsystem. Their analysis allowed identifying the following emerging categories: parenting in specific societies; political socialization; and parenting as a practice of the political. We focus here on two last categories. The findings show that parenting is a practice of the political in different ways: it constitutes a civic responsibility regulated by instances ofpower; it fosters political ideologies; the exercise of power between parents and children contributes to the construction of citizens able of adapting or resisting. Through parenting, emotions and political notions are built, supported by forms ofactivism that can come from parents or children.

O objetivo deste artigo de revisão é compreender como se constrói o político nas relações entre pais e filhos. Para conseguir isso, revisaram-se artigos publicados entre os anos 2000 e 2016, os quais tivessem como ponto de partida, uma noção ampla sob socialização política e aportem informação para entendê-la desde o sistema parental. Sua análise permitiu identificar as seguintes categorias emergentes: o exercício da parentalidade em sociedades específicas, a socialização política e a parentalidade como prática do político. Neste artigo desenvolvemos as duas últimas. As pesquisas revisadas permitiram estabelecer que a parentalidade constitui uma prática do político em diferentes aspectos: institui uma responsabilidade cidadã regulada por instâncias de poder; transmite ideologias políticas; a negociação do poder entre pais e filhos contribui na construção de cidadãos capazes de se adaptar ou resistir; através da parentalidade, emoções e noções políticas são construídas, apoiadas por formas de ativismo que podem vir de pais ou filhos.

Le but de cet article de synthèse est de comprendre comment le fait politique se construit dans les relations parents-enfants. Pour ce faire, on a analysé des articles publiés entre 2000 et 2016, qui étaient fondés sur une large notion de socialisation politique et qui apportaient des informations pour la comprendre à partir du sous-système parental. Leur analyse a permis d'identifier les catégories émergentes suivantes: l'exercice de la parentalité dans des sociétés spécifiques, la socialisation politique et la parentalité comme pratique du fait politique. Dans cet article, nous développons les deux dernières. Les recherches révisées ont permis d'établir que la parentalité constitue une pratique du fait politique dans différents sens: elle constitue une pratique de la responsabilité régulée par des instances de pouvoir; elle transmet des idéologies politiques; l'exercice du pouvoir entre les parents et les enfants contribue à la construction de citoyens capables de s'adapter ou à résister. Par le biais de la parentalité, les émotions et les notions politiques sont construites, elles sont soutenues par des formes d'activisme qui peuvent venir des parents ou des enfants.

Re-visioning Ideological Assemblages Through De-punctualizing and Activist Science, Mathematics and Technology Education.

It seems clear to many analysts that there are several existential and many 'normalized' threats to wellbeing of individuals, societies and environments-such as disruption from climate change, diseases from manufactured foods and species losses linked to habitat destruction-that have been associated with fields of science, mathematics and technology (and, likely, engineering). Culpability for such threats, while perhaps engaging much of humanity, seems most likely attributable to pro-capitalist individuals (e.g., financiers) and groups (e.g., corporations and transnational trade organizations)-which appear to have relatively successfully influenced most living and nonliving entities to form assemblages (dispositifs) that serve their self-interested ideologies. Given harms associated with such assemblages, it seems clear to many analysts that they need to be severely disrupted or, perhaps, replaced with alliances of entities that are based on ideological perspectives that may contribute to comprehensive wellbeing. Although pro-capitalist assemblages have been extremely resilient, it seems that current sociopolitical instability and, moreover, considerable disruption from the CoViD-19 pandemic may provide unprecedented opportunities for dramatic changes. In this article, after consideration of characteristics and extents of harms linked to fields of science, mathematics and technology/engineering, possibilities are described and critically defended for uses of a particular curriculum and pedagogical framework for helping students to imagine and, perhaps, realize new assemblages of entities that are held together by ideologies that they consider appropriate.

Il semble clair pour de nombreux analystes qu'il existe plusieurs menaces existentielles et de nombreuses menaces « normalisées ¼ au bien-être des individus, des sociétés et des environnements, telles que les perturbations dues au changement climatique, les maladies provenant des aliments manufacturés et la perte d'espèces liée à la destruction de l'habitat, qui ont été associées à des domaines des sciences, des mathématiques et de la technologie (et, probablement, de l'ingénierie). La culpabilité de telles menaces, même si elle engage peut-être une grande partie de l'humanité, semble très probablement attribuable aux individus procapitalistes (par exemple, les financiers) et aux groupes (par exemple, les sociétés et les organisations commerciales transnationales) - qui semblent avoir influencé avec un succès relatif la plupart des entités vivantes, non vivantes et symboliques pour former des assemblages (dispositifs) au service de leurs idéologies intéressées. Compte tenu des préjudices associés à de tels assemblages, il semble clair pour de nombreux analystes qu'ils doivent être gravement perturbés ou, peut-être, remplacés par des alliances d'entités fondées sur des perspectives idéologiques susceptibles de contribuer au bien-être global. Bien que les assemblages pro-capitalistes aient été extrêmement résilients, il semble que l'instabilité sociopolitique actuelle, à laquelle s'ajoutent les perturbations considérables dues à la pandémie de COVID-19, peut offrir des occasions de changements profonds sans précédent. Dans cet article, après avoir examiné les caractéristiques et l'étendue des préjudices liés aux domaines des sciences, des mathématiques et de la technologie / ingénierie, les possibilités sont décrites et défendues de manière critique pour l'utilisation d'un programme et d'un cadre pédagogique particuliers pour aider les élèves à imaginer et, peut-être, à réaliser de nouveaux assemblages d'entités maintenues ensemble par des idéologies qu'ils jugent appropriées.

O sofrimento de origem social / The suffering from social origin / El sufrimiento de origen social / La souffrance sociale

Para além dos sofrimentos causados pelas forças da natureza e pela fragilidade do corpo, há aqueles causados no interior das relações sociais em que estamos inseridos desde o início da vida. Os valores que constituem uma cultura operam em sistemas de crenças socialmente partilhados, sendo introjetados pelos sujeitos como ideal do eu. Tanto as crenças como os valores cimentam a organização social e ordenam as relações entre seus integrantes, mas são suscetíveis de sofrer mudanças pela capacidade crítica e inovadora do pensamento, o que Freud chama de trabalho da cultura e de impulso à liberdade, em particular quando voltado para crenças e valores percebidos como causa de sofrimento social. Ocorre então uma reviravolta, em que estes passam a ser entendidos como preconceitos e intolerâncias, animados pelo ódio primário ao diferente, sendo questionados num processo político no interior da sociedade. Isso porque um período de mutação é desestabilizador e desperta reações regressivas violentas, que encontram uma descrição útil na noção de posição ideológica radical, de René Kaës. A conquista da cidadania nas democracias ocidentais, as mudanças no lugar da mulher e a evolução das mentalidades sobre a vida sexual, como a exigência da virgindade e a normatividade estrita sobre as orientações sexuais, ilustram o tema deste artigo.

There are, beyond sufferings that result from the forces of nature and the fragility of the body, those sufferings that are experienced within social relationships of which we have been part since the beginning of our lives. Cultural values operate in systems of beliefs which are socially shared. These values are introjected by subjects as the ego's ideal. Both beliefs and values consolidate social organization and they order relationships among the members of society. These beliefs and values, however, are likely to suffer changes due to the innovative and critical ability to think (i.e. thinking skills) which Freud called the work of culture and the drive to freedom, especially when it comes to beliefs and values that are perceived as the cause of social suffering. And then a turnaround happens: they turn out to be understood as prejudice and intolerance, which are strengthened by the primary hatred of what is different. At this point, they are questioned in a political process within society. This happens because a time of change destabilizes and causes regressive violent reactions, of which one may find a useful description in Rene Kaës's concept of radical ideological position. The achievement of citizenship in Western Democracies, changes in women's place, the evolution of ways of thinking about sexual life as the mandatory virginity and the strict rules about sexual guidance illustrate the subject of this work.

Además de los sufrimientos causados por las fuerzas de la naturaleza y por la fragilidad del cuerpo, existen aquellos causados en el interior de las relaciones sociales en las cuales nos encontramos insertados desde el inicio de nuestras vidas. Los valores que se constituyen en una cultura operan en sistemas de creencias socialmente compartidos, siendo introyectados por los sujetos como ideal del yo. Tanto las creencias como los valores consolidan la organización social y ordenan las relaciones entre sus integrantes, pero son susceptibles a sufrir cambios por la capacidad crítica e innovadora del pensamiento, lo que Freud llama de trabajo de la cultura y de impulso a la libertad, particularmente cuando están dirigidas a las creencias y valores identificados como causa de sufrimiento social. Ocurre entonces un giro en el que pasan a ser entendidas como prejuicios e intolerancias, animadas por el odio primario a lo diferente, siendo cuestionadas en un proceso que es político en el interior de la sociedad. Esto sucede porque un período de mutación es desestabilizador y despierta reacciones regresivas violentas, que encuentran una descripción útil en la noción de posición ideológica radical de René Kaës. La conquista de la ciudadanía en las democracias Occidentales, los cambios en el lugar de la mujer, la evolución de las mentalidades sobre vida sexual como la exigencia de la virginidad y la norma estricta sobre las orientaciones sexuales ilustran el tema de este artículo.

Au-delà des souffrances entrainées par les forces de la nature et par la fragilité du corps, il y a celles produites au sein des rapports sociaux dans lesquels nous sommes insérés depuis le commencement de notre vie. Les valeurs qui se constituent dans une culture agissent dans des systèmes de croyances socialement partagées, dont l'introjection est faite par les sujets en tant qu'un idéal du moi. Aussi bien les croyances que les valeurs cimentent l'organisation sociale et ordonnent les rapports parmi ses éléments constituants, mais elles sont susceptibles de souffrir des changements en raison de la capacité critique et innovatrice de la pensée, ce qui Freud appelle le travail de la culture et l'impulsion vers la liberté, en spécial lorsqu'elles s'adressent à des croyances et à des valeurs entendues comme la cause de la souffrance sociale. Il se passe alors un revirement, où elles commencent à être vues comme des préjugés et des intolérances, animées par la haine primaire contre ce qui est différent, questionnées dans un processus politique au sein de la société. Tout cela est dû au fait qu'une période de mutation est déstabilisante et elle réveille des réactions régressives violentes dont on trouve une description utile dans la notion de position idéologique radicale de Réné Kaës. La conquête de la citoyenneté dans les démocraties Occidentales, les changements du rang de la femme, l'évolution des mentalités concernant la vie sexuelle, telles que l'exigence de la virginité et la normativité stricte sur les orientations sexuelles, illustrent le sujet de cet article.

Ideologias partidárias em 140 caracteres: uso do Twitter pelos parlamentares brasileiros / Ideologías del partido en 140 caracteres: el uso de Twitter por los parlamentarios brasileños / Party ideologies in 140 characters: Twitter use by Brazilian Congressmen

Resumo Com o crescente uso da internet, diferentes apropriações estão sendo feitas por diferentes grupos sociais e econômicos. Assim, também políticos têm adotado essas novas mídias por diferentes motivações e em diversas formas. O objetivo deste trabalho é, a partir de uma classificação ideológica dos partidos políticos representados no Congresso brasileiro, avaliar se essa é uma variável que distingue a adoção e o uso do Twitter por parte dos parlamentares federais. Foram analisados os 512 perfis dos congressistas que em dezembro de 2013 utilizavam o Twitter para a postagem de conteúdo e para conexão com cidadãos e colegas de Congresso. Foi utilizada a plataforma de programação do Twitter para a coleta dos dados sobre o uso dos perfis e sobre as conexões entre eles e também com outros perfis da rede social. Esses dados foram relacionados com a classificação ideológica dos partidos dos parlamentares. Os resultados demonstram que é possível distinguir no Twitter os grupos das diferentes ideologias representadas no Congresso, porque adotaram seu uso em períodos distintos, têm diferentes taxas de popularidade, seguem colegas parlamentares com variados padrões de interesse e têm diferentes indicadores de atividade nesse meio digital.

Resumen Con el creciente uso de internet, las diferentes asignaciones se realizan por diferentes grupos sociales y económicos. Aún así, los políticos han adoptado estos nuevos medios por diferentes razones y en diferentes formas. El objetivo de este trabajo es, a partir de una clasificación ideológica de los partidos políticos representados en el Congreso de Brasil, evaluar si se trata de una variable que distingue a la adopción y el uso de Twitter por el Parlamento federal. 512 perfiles de los miembros del Congreso en diciembre de 2013 utilizaron Twitter para publicar contenido, y para conectar con los ciudadanos y se analizaron sus colegas del Congreso. Se utilizó la plataforma de programación de Twitter para la recogida de datos sobre el uso de perfiles y en las conexiones entre ellos y con otros perfiles de redes sociales. Estos datos fueron relacionados con la clasificación ideológica de los partidos parlamentarios. Los resultados demuestran que es posible distinguir grupos de Twitter de diferentes ideologías representadas en el Congreso, ya que aprobó su uso en diferentes momentos, tener diferentes cuotas de popularidad siguientes pares parlamentarios con diferentes patrones de interés y tienen diferentes indicadores de actividad en el entorno digital.

Abstract With increasing use of the Internet, different social and economic groups are appropriating its resources in various ways. As such, politicians have adopted this new media for varying reasons. From an ideological classification of political parties represented in Brazilian Congress, this paper evaluates whether it is a variable that can distinguish federal congressmen's adoption and use of Twitter. A total of 512 profiles of congressmen who use Twitter to post content and connect with citizens and colleagues from Congress were analysed in December 2013. Twitter's programming platform was used to collect data on the use of profiles and connections between them and with other social network profiles. This data was related to the ideological classification of different parties. The results show that it is possible to distinguish Twitter groups of different ideologies represented in Congress because they adopted its use at various times, have different levels of popularity, follow congressional colleagues with varying patterns of interest and have diverging activity indicators in the digital environment.

Ideologias linguísticas e regimes de testes de língua para migrantes no Brasil / Linguistic ideologies and language testing regimes for migrants in Brazil

Neste artigo, analisamos o regime de testes de língua no contexto de migração transnacional para o Brasil e sua relação com ideologias linguísticas hegemônicas na construção de sistemas de diferenciação corporal. Para tanto, partimos da noção de teste enquanto instrumento formal para medição de proficiência, instituído como pré-requisito para entrada, residência e/ou aquisição de nacionalidade por migrantes em diversos países, funcionando como uma forma de barreira no controle das fronteiras estatais, conforme aponta a literatura pesquisada. Inicialmente, identificamos a existência de três tipos de testes linguísticos no Brasil: Certificação de Proficiência em Língua Portuguesa para Estrangeiros (Celpe-Bras), avaliação de língua portuguesa para médicos vinculados ao programa “Mais Médicos” e exigência de conhecimento de língua portuguesa nos processos de naturalização. A análise do corpus indicou diversas discrepâncias entre o estado da arte dos estudos sobre testes linguísticos em contexto migratório e a realidade brasileira, colocando em perspectiva a existência de um regime de testes linguísticos migratórios no país, na medida em que as articulações entre o seu aspecto linguístico e o seu aspecto de barreira são contraditórias. Os recursos indexicalizados nos documentos sobre testes no Brasil sinalizam, na verdade, a afirmação de uma autonomia no gerenciamento da língua portuguesa e a comoditização do ensino do português para estrangeiros como estratégia de mercado e vitrine da cultura brasileira globalizada, numa construção ideológica de correspondência estática e naturalizada entre língua oficial e nação, produzindo, para tanto, hierarquizações entre identidades migrantes desejáveise indesejáveis.

In this paper, we analyze the language testing regime in the context of transnational migration to Brazil and its relation to hegemonic linguistic ideologies in the construction of body differentiation systems. Therefore, we understand test as a formal instrument to measure proficiency, established as a pre-requisite to the entry, residence, and/or acquisition of nationality by migrants in several countries, working as a way of gatekeeping state frontiers, according to the researched literature. Initially, we identified three kinds of language tests in Brazil: the Brazilian Certificate of Proficiency in Portuguese for Foreigners (Celpe-Bras); the Portuguese test for foreign physicians within the federal government program “More Doctors for Brazil”; and the verification of Portuguese literacy in naturalization processes. The corpus analysis indicated several discrepancies between the state-of-art in the studies of language tests for migrants and the Brazilian reality, putting into perspective the very existence of a language testing regime in the country, considering that the articulations of its linguistic and gatekeeping aspects are contradictory. The resources indexed in the documents about tests in Brazil actually show the affirmation of autonomy in the management of the Portuguese language and the commodification of Portuguese teaching for foreigners as a market strategy and a showcase of a globalized Brazilian culture, in an ideological construction of static and naturalized correspondence between official language and nation, creating therefore hierarchies among desirable and undesirable migrant identities.

Links among Familial Gender Ideology, Media Portrayal of Women, Dating, and Sexual Behaviors in African American, and Mexican American Adolescent Young Women: A Qualitative Study.

Utilizing grounded theory methodology and drawing from sexual script theory as a research lens, we examined familial gender ideologies, media portrayals of Black and Latina women, dating attitudes, and sexual behaviors among 33 low-income early adolescent (aged 11-14) African American and Mexican American young women. Themes revealed divergent experiences for African American and Mexican American young women. In particular, African American participants reported egalitarian familial gender ideologies and sexual objectification of Black women, as well as more open and positive attitudes toward dating and sexuality. In contrast, Mexican American participants reported patriarchal familial gender ideologies and the portrayed mistreatment of Latinas in telenovelas and Spanish language songs, along with cautious attitudes towards dating and sexuality. Additionally, Mexican American participants reported that they censored their communication about sexual matters with their family. Overall, findings suggest that interventions should be tailored accordingly for African American and Mexican American youth. Interventions with African American young women should focus on providing accurate information on safer sexual practices, whereas interventions with Mexican American young women should focus on promoting constructive conceptualizations of gender roles, which could help foster self-efficacy around sexual communication with parents and potential partners.

Territorio, turismo y competitividad: metáforas de éxito y deseo de progreso en el medio magdalena / Territory, torissm, and competitiveness: metaphors of successand progress deesire in the magdalen mmedio

El presente artículo presenta un análisis crítico de la manera en que es pensado el territorio a través de metáforas y de ideologías de tipo economicista. Lo anterior se expresa por medio de los discursos de agentes públicos y de otros agentes e instituciones que ven en el territorio un ente competitivo, orientado a la búsqueda del éxito en estrategias más próximas a las emprendidas por la empresa privada que a las construidas por una tradición del sector público interesada sobre todo en el bienestar común, y no tanto en factores como la eficacia o la utilidad, vistos como fines en sí mismos. El caso de estudio aborda el turismo (histórico, ecológico, etc.) como la actividad que, con una cuestionable racionalidad, es pensada como el medio para la realización de las pretensiones de desarrollo territorial en el Medio Magdalena (Colombia). La propuesta metodológica apela al análisis de los discursos y a la etnografía del Estado, buscando identificar y cuestionar los discursos en los que el territorio es reducido a un ente competitivo que sigue planteamientos próximos a los del "darwinismo social".

This article presents a critical analysis of the way in which the territory is seen using metaphors and economist type ideologies. This is expressed through public agents and other agents and institutions discourses that see in the territory a competitive entity, oriented to the search of success through strategies which are closer to those used by the private business, instead of to those built through the tradition of the public sector which are mostly interested in the common welfare rather than in factors such as efficacy or usefulness which are considered ends in themselves. This case study approaches tourism (historical, ecological, etc.) as the activity which, with a questionable rationality, is thought as the means for the accomplishment of the plans for territorial development in Magdalena Medio (Colombia). The methodological proposal appeals to the analysis of the discourses and the State ethnography, searching to identify and question the discourses in which the territory is reduced to a competitive entity which follows the approaches close to "social Darwinism.".