RESUMO
This study reports on the bioarchaeology and evidence of interpersonal violence in a group of archaeological skeletons found near Ladismith, Western Cape, South Africa. The co-mingled skeletal remains derive from at least ten individuals of varying ages and both sexes. Overlapping radiocarbon dates on three individuals place them in the first half of the 15th century CE, pre-dating first European contact at the end of that century. Three juvenile crania have perimortem perforations, the locations of which indicate violent deaths. The sizes and shapes of the lesions suggest impact by a blade at least 110mm long and 50mm wide but with edges only 2mm thick. Based on these dimensions, we hypothesise that this was a metal-tipped spear. The nearest metal-working communities at this time lived approximately 500 km away, implying long-distance trade or exchange. δ13C, δ15N and 87Sr/86Sr values indicate that this was a heterogenous group of individuals who had spent their early lives in different locations and consumed varied diets, who had come together and were living in or travelling through the Ladismith area at the time of their deaths. This finding extends the timeframe and location for the practice of communal burial in the Holocene of southern Africa and provides additional support for the hypothesis that communal burials in this region tend to be associated with violence.
Assuntos
Arqueologia , Sepultamento , Violência , Humanos , África do Sul/epidemiologia , Violência/história , Sepultamento/história , Masculino , Feminino , História Antiga , Adulto , Datação Radiométrica , Adolescente , Criança , Adulto Jovem , Pré-EscolarRESUMO
This article examines Thomas Hobbes's notorious claim that "fear and liberty are consistent" and therefore that agreements coerced by threat of violence are binding. This view is to a surprising extent inherited from Aristotle, but its political implications became especially striking in the wake of the English Civil War, and Hobbes recast his theory in far-reaching ways between his early works and Leviathan to accommodate it. I argue that Hobbes's account of coercion is both philosophically safe from the most common objections to it and politically superior to the seemingly commonsensical alternatives that we have inherited from Hobbes's critics.
Assuntos
Coerção , Militares , Militares/história , Prisioneiros/história , Prisioneiros/psicologia , História do Século XX , Humanos , História do Século XIX , Violência/história , Violência/psicologia , InglaterraRESUMO
This reflective essay is inspired by a roundtable discussion at the World Science Forum on the question 'Are there ethical limits to what science can achieve and should pursue?' I argue that, amid the conflicting trends of 'technological utopianism'-extreme faith in technological solutions; and 'post-truth' politics-the populist pushback against the universality of science, the conditions for ethical knowledge production are significantly challenged. Drawing on insights gleaned from my work on political violence, law, and technology, I point to historical continuities in the way the application and pursuit of science relates to violence-especially state violence. Conscious of the fact that science exercises no restraint on violence-and indeed, may be put to work for violent purposes-the paper calls for more attention to the social, structural, and political conditions of scientific production. The final part of this essay, therefore, examines three developments challenging the ethical capacity of scholars and scientists today. These are (1) the bureaucratization of ethics (2), 'ethics washing,' and (3) co-optation. Like other policy domains in our society, informed normative assessments around scientific pursuits-value judgments and ethical evaluation-ought to be based on sound empirical knowledge of the contingencies of science.
Assuntos
Academias e Institutos/história , Ética , Violência/tendências , Academias e Institutos/normas , História do Século XXI , Humanos , Violência/história , Violência/psicologiaRESUMO
Peter Sterling expands upon his recent Q & A article by discussing his participation in the Freedom Rides and the reasons for his involvement in the civil rights movement.
Assuntos
Direitos Civis/história , Comunismo/história , Governo Federal , Liberdade , Ativismo Político , Racismo/história , Racismo/prevenção & controle , População Negra/psicologia , Medo , Feminino , História do Século XX , Humanos , Masculino , Princípios Morais , Estados Unidos , Violência/história , População Branca/psicologia , Adulto JovemRESUMO
OBJECTIVES: Warfare is assumed to be one of the defining cultural characteristics of steppe nomads in Eastern Eurasia. For the first-centuries CE, a period of political turmoil in Northern China and Southern Siberia, relatively few data are, however, available about the degree and variability of violence in these communities. Here, we provide new data on violence among steppe nomads during the first-centuries CE by analyzing the type, anatomical distribution, and demographic distribution of perimortem trauma at Tunnug1 (Tuva, Southern Siberia-second to fourth c. CE). MATERIALS AND METHODS: Perimortem traumas were assessed on 87 individuals representing both sexes and different age classes. The timing of the lesions was assessed based on morphological criteria, including the absence and presence of bone reactive processes and the relative plasticity of the bone at the moment of impact. The distribution by age, sex, and anatomical location of trauma was analyzed by means of logistic models, Fisher's exact tests, and 3D visualizations. RESULTS: A total of 130 perimortem traumas, including chop marks, slice marks, penetrating lesions, and blunt traumas were identified on 22 individuals. Chop marks were mostly at the level of the skull and vertebrae and were likely caused by bladed weapons. Slice marks were found on the cervical vertebrae and cranium and may be the result of throat slitting and scalping by means of smaller bladed implements. Traumas were more frequent in males, and their presence is not correlated with age. DISCUSSION: This study adds new data to the few available regarding violence among steppe nomadic cultures and provides new insights about the effects of political instability on the life of the people inhabiting Eastern Eurasia during the early centuries CE.
Assuntos
Povo Asiático/história , Violência/história , Ferimentos Penetrantes/história , Adolescente , Adulto , Antropologia Física , Osso e Ossos/lesões , Osso e Ossos/patologia , Sepultamento/história , Criança , Pré-Escolar , Decapitação/história , Feminino , História Antiga , Humanos , Lactente , Recém-Nascido , Masculino , Sibéria , Migrantes , Guerra/história , Adulto JovemRESUMO
OBJECTIVES: Violence affected daily life in prehistoric societies, especially at conflict zones where different peoples fought over resources and for other reasons. In this study, cranial trauma was analyzed to discuss the pattern of violence experienced by three Bronze to early Iron Age populations (1,000-100 BCE) that belonged to the Subeixi culture. These populations lived in the Turpan Basin, a conflict zone in the middle of the Eurasian Steppe. METHODS: The injuries on 129 complete crania unearthed from the Subeixi cemeteries were examined for crude prevalence rate (CPR), trauma type, time of occurrence, possible weapon, and direction of the blow. Thirty-three injuries identified from poorly preserved crania were also included in the analyses except for the CPR. Data was also compared between the samples and with four other populations that had violence-related backgrounds. RESULTS: Overall, 16.3% (21/129) of the individuals showed violence-induced traumatic lesions. Results also indicated that most of the injuries were perimortem (81.6%), and that women and children were more involved in conflict than the other comparative populations. Wounds from weapons accounted for 42.1% of the identified cranial injuries. Distribution analysis suggested no dominant handedness of the attackers, and that blows came from all directions including the top (17.1%). Wounds caused by arrowheads and a special type of battle-ax popular in middle and eastern Eurasian Steppe were also recognized. DISCUSSION: A comprehensive analysis of the skeletal evidence, historical records, and archeological background would suggest that the raiding to be the most possible conflict pattern reflected by the samples. The attackers were likely to have been nomadic invaders from the steppe (such as the Xiongnu from historical records), who attacked the residents in the basin more likely for their resources rather than territory or labor force.
Assuntos
Traumatismos Craniocerebrais , Crânio , Violência , Adolescente , Adulto , Arqueologia , Criança , Pré-Escolar , China/etnologia , Traumatismos Craniocerebrais/epidemiologia , Traumatismos Craniocerebrais/etnologia , Traumatismos Craniocerebrais/história , Traumatismos Craniocerebrais/patologia , Feminino , História Antiga , Humanos , Masculino , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Prevalência , Crânio/lesões , Crânio/patologia , Violência/etnologia , Violência/história , Armas/história , Adulto JovemRESUMO
OBJECTIVES: This study uses osteological and radiocarbon datasets combined with formal quantitative analyses to test hypotheses concerning the character of conflict in the Nasca highlands during the Late Intermediate Period (LIP, 950-1450 C.E.). We develop and test osteological expectations regarding what patterns should be observed if violence was characterized by intragroup violence, ritual conflict, intermittent raiding, or internecine warfare. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Crania (n = 267) were examined for antemortem and perimortem, overkill, and critical trauma. All age groups and both sexes are represented in the sample. One hundred twenty-four crania were AMS dated, allowing a detailed analysis of diachronic patterns in violence among various demographic groups. RESULTS: Thirty-eight percent (102/267) of crania exhibit some form of cranial trauma, a significant increase from the preceding Middle Horizon era. There are distinct trauma frequencies within the three subphases of the LIP, but Phase III (1300-1450 C.E.) exhibits the highest frequencies of all trauma types. Males exhibit significantly more antemortem trauma than females, but both exhibit similar perimortem trauma rates. DISCUSSION: There was chronic, internecine warfare throughout the Late Intermediate Period with important variations in violence throughout the three temporal phases. Evidence for heterogeneity in violent mortality shows a pattern consistent with social substitutability, whereby any and all members of the Nasca highland population were appropriate targets for lethal and sublethal violence. We argue that by testing hypotheses regarding the targets and types of conflict we are better able to explain the causes and consequences of human conflict.
Assuntos
Indígenas Sul-Americanos/etnologia , Indígenas Sul-Americanos/história , Violência/etnologia , Violência/história , Adolescente , Adulto , Antropologia Física , Criança , Pré-Escolar , Feminino , História do Século XV , História Medieval , Humanos , Lactente , Recém-Nascido , Masculino , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Peru/etnologia , Crânio/lesões , Crânio/patologia , Guerra/etnologia , Guerra/história , Adulto JovemRESUMO
The disproportionate negative impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on Native communities is a result of transgenerational traumas-mental and physical-which have been ongoing and developing for centuries. This article considers 19th-century American visual and narrative representations of Native experiences of and responses to transgenerational trauma. This article also suggests ethical implications for Native American health of interpreting those representations and suggests an obligation to look on 19th-century White American artists' romanticizations of Native experiences with humility.
Assuntos
Arte , Infecções por Coronavirus/complicações , Trauma Histórico/complicações , Historiografia , Indígenas Norte-Americanos/psicologia , Pneumonia Viral/complicações , Saúde da População , Violência , Arte/história , Betacoronavirus , COVID-19 , Infecções por Coronavirus/epidemiologia , Infecções por Coronavirus/virologia , Características da Família , Trauma Histórico/etnologia , História do Século XIX , Humanos , Narração , Pandemias , Pneumonia Viral/epidemiologia , Pneumonia Viral/virologia , SARS-CoV-2 , Estados Unidos , Violência/ética , Violência/história , Violência/psicologiaAssuntos
Negro ou Afro-Americano/história , Disparidades em Assistência à Saúde/história , Racismo/história , Violência/história , Negro ou Afro-Americano/estatística & dados numéricos , Disparidades em Assistência à Saúde/etnologia , Disparidades em Assistência à Saúde/estatística & dados numéricos , História do Século XIX , História do Século XX , História do Século XXI , Humanos , Racismo/etnologia , Racismo/estatística & dados numéricos , Estados Unidos , Violência/etnologia , Violência/estatística & dados numéricosRESUMO
BACKGROUND: In an effort to alter eye color during World War II, devout Nazi researcher Karin Magnussen had adrenaline eye drops administered to inmates at the concentration camp Auschwitz-Birkenau. A Sinti family, with a high prevalence of heterochromia iridis, was forced to participate in this study. Members of this family, as well as other victims, were later killed and had their eyes enucleated and sent to Magnussen for examination. Magnussen articulated the findings of these events in a manuscript that has never been published. The author is the first ophthalmologist to review this manuscript. The generation who experienced the atrocities of World War II will soon be gone and awareness of what happened during this tragic chapter of world history is fading. OBJECTIVES: To describe these events to raise awareness among future generations. METHODS: A literature review and archival search was conducted. RESULTS: Magnussen's research was based on an animal study published in 1937. For Magnussen's study, adrenaline drops were administered to inmates, including a 12-year-old girl from the Sinti family. As there was a reported case of deaf-mutism within the family, Waardenburg syndrome seems to be the most plausible explanation for this family's heritable heterochromia. CONCLUSIONS: The effort to change eye color was doomed to fail from the beginning because there was a probable diagnosis of Waardenburg syndrome. Extinction of humans for ophthalmological research is an insane act beyond imagination. For the sake of these victims, and for the generations who still feel their pain, it is imperative to tell their stories.
Assuntos
Campos de Concentração/história , Epinefrina/efeitos adversos , Cor de Olho , Experimentação Humana/história , Doenças da Íris/induzido quimicamente , Transtornos da Pigmentação/induzido quimicamente , Epinefrina/administração & dosagem , Feminino , Alemanha , História do Século XX , Experimentação Humana/ética , Humanos , Masculino , Prisioneiros , Violência/história , II Guerra MundialRESUMO
Studies into violence in the eighteenth century tend to address questions related to justice and criminality, but not health. The aim of this study is to understand how, in eighteenth century Minas Gerais, Brazil, bodies were affected by violent acts. The investigation records from the parish of Vila Rica held at the historical archive of the Museu da Inconfidência were investigated. The results showed crimes of different kinds associated with a variety of motives, primarily crimes against the body, with the resulting bodily injuries being caused by sharp or pointed objects/instruments. There were more male victims than female, the head being the principal part of the body affected. Criminal and violent acts, very commonplace in this society, interfered in the health and disease processes of the bodies.
Estudos sobre violência no século XVIII abrangem especialmente questões relacionadas à justiça e à criminalidade, mas não à saúde. A pesquisa objetivou compreender como os corpos nas Minas Gerais setecentistas eram afetados por atos violentos. Foram investigados autos de devassas do termo de Vila Rica pertencentes ao acervo do Arquivo Histórico do Museu da Inconfidência. Os resultados mostraram crimes causados por motivos distintos e de tipologias diferentes, predominando os crimes contra o corpo, com consequentes lesões corporais provocadas predominantemente por objetos/instrumentos perfurocortantes. Os homens foram os mais acometidos, sendo a cabeça a principal região atingida. Atos criminosos e violentos, muito comuns nessa sociedade, interferiam na saúde e no adoecimento dos corpos.
Assuntos
Vítimas de Crime/história , Crime/história , Violência/história , Ferimentos e Lesões/história , Brasil/epidemiologia , Crime/estatística & dados numéricos , Vítimas de Crime/estatística & dados numéricos , Feminino , Saúde/história , História do Século XVIII , Humanos , Masculino , Violência/estatística & dados numéricos , Ferimentos e Lesões/epidemiologiaRESUMO
Resumo Estudos sobre violência no século XVIII abrangem especialmente questões relacionadas à justiça e à criminalidade, mas não à saúde. A pesquisa objetivou compreender como os corpos nas Minas Gerais setecentistas eram afetados por atos violentos. Foram investigados autos de devassas do termo de Vila Rica pertencentes ao acervo do Arquivo Histórico do Museu da Inconfidência. Os resultados mostraram crimes causados por motivos distintos e de tipologias diferentes, predominando os crimes contra o corpo, com consequentes lesões corporais provocadas predominantemente por objetos/instrumentos perfurocortantes. Os homens foram os mais acometidos, sendo a cabeça a principal região atingida. Atos criminosos e violentos, muito comuns nessa sociedade, interferiam na saúde e no adoecimento dos corpos.
Abstract Studies into violence in the eighteenth century tend to address questions related to justice and criminality, but not health. The aim of this study is to understand how, in eighteenth century Minas Gerais, Brazil, bodies were affected by violent acts. The investigation records from the parish of Vila Rica held at the historical archive of the Museu da Inconfidência were investigated. The results showed crimes of different kinds associated with a variety of motives, primarily crimes against the body, with the resulting bodily injuries being caused by sharp or pointed objects/instruments. There were more male victims than female, the head being the principal part of the body affected. Criminal and violent acts, very commonplace in this society, interfered in the health and disease processes of the bodies.
Assuntos
Humanos , Masculino , Feminino , História do Século XVIII , Violência/história , Ferimentos e Lesões/história , Vítimas de Crime/história , Crime/história , Violência/estatística & dados numéricos , Ferimentos e Lesões/epidemiologia , Brasil/epidemiologia , Saúde/história , Vítimas de Crime/estatística & dados numéricos , Crime/estatística & dados numéricosRESUMO
OBJECTIVES: This study examines violence-related cranial trauma frequencies and wound characteristics in the pre-Hispanic cemetery of Uraca in the lower Majes Valley, Arequipa, Peru, dating to the pre- and early-Wari periods (200-750 CE). Cranial wounds are compared between status and sex-based subgroups to understand how violence shaped, and was shaped by, these aspects of identity, and to reconstruct the social contexts of violence carried out by and against Uracans. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Presence, location, and characteristics (lethality, penetration, and post-traumatic sequelae) of antemortem and perimortem cranial fractures are documented for 145 crania and compared between subgroups. Cranial wounds are mapped in ArcGIS and the locational distribution of injuries is compared between male and female crania. RESULTS: Middle adult males were disproportionately interred at Uraca, particularly in the elite Sector I. The Uraca mortuary population presents the highest rate of cranial trauma reported for pre-Hispanic Peru: 67% of adults present trauma, and among those, 61.1% present more than one cranial injury. Males exhibit significantly more cranial trauma than females and present a higher mean number of injuries per person. Elite males show the highest mean number of injuries per person, more antemortem injuries, and are the only ones with perimortem cranial trauma, bladed injuries, penetrating injuries, and post-traumatic sequelae. Both sexes were most frequently injured on the anterior of the cranium, while the proportion of posterior injuries was higher for females. DISCUSSION: The rate, intensity, and locational patterns of cranial trauma suggests the community was engaged in raids and/or war with enemy groups, some of which may have increased physical violence between community members. Engaging in violence was likely a prerequisite for burial in the elite sector and was bound up with the generation and maintenance of social status differences linked to male social life.
Assuntos
Traumatismos Craniocerebrais , Indígenas Sul-Americanos , Crânio/lesões , Violência , Adulto , Arqueologia , Traumatismos Craniocerebrais/etnologia , Traumatismos Craniocerebrais/história , Traumatismos Craniocerebrais/patologia , Feminino , História Antiga , História Medieval , Humanos , Indígenas Sul-Americanos/etnologia , Indígenas Sul-Americanos/história , Masculino , Peru/etnologia , Violência/etnologia , Violência/históriaRESUMO
In his review article John W. Verano covered trauma, warfare, trophy taking, and human sacrifice, but his discussion mostly focused on the results of studies of museum or private collections and the recent discovery of the mass human sacrifice from Huaca de la Luna. Due to the renewed interest in the paleopathology of South America, a trend which Verano observed, these types of investigations have grown exponentially in the past twenty years since his initial publication. Here we synthesize the published data on the study and interpretation of traumatic injuries across time and space and we tease out some of the themes that have emerged in the twenty odd years since the seminal paper written by Verano. We searched and analyzed publications from 1997 to 2017 that pertained specifically to Andean South America through the review of library databases and then narrowed our search to trauma-related topics. In our literature review and meta-analysis of published studies on traumatic injuries, we found that nearly one-third of publications related to the field of paleopathology in Andean South America dealt with subjects we classified under trauma (Nâ¯=â¯116/378), such as trephination, violence, sacrifice, warfare, etc. Large sample sizes, population-focused research, advances in methods of analysis, and hypothesis driven investigations have led to sophisticated and nuanced interpretations along a wide range of themes so that we understand a great deal more about violence, sacrifice, trephination, warfare and their sociopolitical and environmental contexts in prehistoric and early colonial Andean South America.
Assuntos
Paleopatologia , Projetos de Pesquisa , Ferimentos e Lesões/história , Comportamento Ritualístico , Características Culturais , Difusão de Inovações , Previsões , História Antiga , Humanos , Paleopatologia/tendências , Projetos de Pesquisa/tendências , América do Sul , Violência/história , Guerra/história , Ferimentos e Lesões/etnologia , Ferimentos e Lesões/patologiaRESUMO
The atomic bomb attack on Hiroshima on August 6, 1945 is one of the most powerful global memories. While the literature on global memories has greatly expanded in recent decades, Hiroshima remains surprisingly understudied. In addressing this lacuna, this paper develops a new theoretical prism for the study of global memories. It argues that the Hiroshima memory cannot be understood in isolation, but rather as the hub in a broader memory complex. This complex is the result of symbolic dialogues that connect Hiroshima with such different events, situations, and memories as Nanjing, Pearl Harbor, the Cold War, and so on. The paper demonstrates how these dialogues have been forged, often in the context of substantial controversy. While distinctly sociological in orientation, the paper takes its main theoretical inspiration from cultural, literary, and history scholars such as Jan and Aleida Assmann, Sebastian Conrad, Astrid Erll, Ann Rigney, Michael Rothberg, Aby Warburg and Mikhael Bakhtin.
Assuntos
Memória , Armas Nucleares , Conflitos Armados , China , Cultura , História do Século XX , Humanos , Japão , Coreia (Geográfico) , Armas Nucleares/história , Teoria Psicológica , Ataques Terroristas de 11 de Setembro/história , Ataques Terroristas de 11 de Setembro/psicologia , Violência/históriaRESUMO
This research explores how social and environmental factors may have contributed to conflict during the early Bronze Age in Northwest China by analyzing violent trauma on human skeletal remains from a cemetery of the Qijia culture (2300-1500 BCE). The Qijia culture existed during a period of dramatic social, technological, and environmental change, though minimal research has been conducted on how these factors may have contributed to violence within the area of the Qijia and other contemporaneous material cultures. An osteological assessment was conducted on 361 individuals (nâ¯=â¯241 adults, nâ¯=â¯120 non-adults) that were excavated from the Mogou site, Lintan County, Gansu, China. Injuries indicative of violence, including sharp- and blunt-force trauma that was sustained ante- or peri-mortem, were identified, and the patterns of trauma were analysed. Violent injuries were found on 8.58% (nâ¯=â¯31/361) of individuals, primarily adult males. No evidence of trauma was found on infants or children. Cranial trauma was found on 11.8% (nâ¯=â¯23/195) of the adult individuals examined. Of these, 43.5% (nâ¯=â¯10/23) presented with severe peri-mortem craniofacial trauma. The high rate of perimortem injuries and their locations indicate lethal intent. This lethality, in addition to the fact that individuals with trauma were predominantly male, suggest intergroup violence such as raiding, warfare, or feuding. Both social and environmental factors may have contributed to this conflict in the TaoRiver Valley, though future systematic archaeological and paleoenvironmental data will be needed to disentangle the many potential causal factors.
Assuntos
Sistema Musculoesquelético/patologia , Crânio/patologia , Violência/história , Ferimentos e Lesões/patologia , Adulto , Agressão , Antropologia Física/história , Criança , China , Feminino , História Antiga , Humanos , Masculino , Ferimentos e Lesões/história , Ferimentos não Penetrantes/patologia , Adulto JovemRESUMO
OBJECTIVE: To provide a detailed analysis and interpretation of cranial and postcranial lesions noted on an early medieval skeleton from the Italian Alps. MATERIALS: Individual (SK63) was buried within the early Christian church (5th-8th centuries AD) of Säben-Sabiona in South Tyrol (Italy). METHODS: The skeleton underwent macroscopic, microscopic and metric analyses. RESULTS: SK63 was a 19-25â¯year old male, the analysis identified at least 29 lesions, consisting of three possible antemortem injuries and 26 perimortem sharp force injuries on the cranium (nâ¯=â¯4) and postcranium (nâ¯=â¯22). CONCLUSIONS: The trauma pattern observed indicates that different bladed weapons were used and interpersonal violence rather than a large-scale conflict led to the death of SK63. SIGNIFICANCE: The present findings provide novel information on violent interpersonal interactions in early medieval Säben-Sabiona, Italy. LIMITATIONS: The sequence of the inflicted injuries was not reconstructed. SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH: Future interdisciplinary investigations (i.e., 3D imaging and reconstructions) will provide a better understanding of the possible types of weapons used to inflict injuries, the required forces to create the lesions, as well as the directions of impact.
Assuntos
Cemitérios/história , História Medieval , Violência/história , Armas/história , Adulto , Humanos , Itália , Masculino , Crânio/patologiaRESUMO
The Cioclovina (Romania) calvaria, dated to ca. 33 cal ka BP and thought to be associated with the Aurignacian lithic industry, is one of the few relatively well preserved representatives of the earliest modern Europeans. Two large fractures on this specimen have been described as taphonomic modifications. Here we used gross and virtual forensic criteria and experimental simulations on synthetic bone models, to investigate their nature. Both forensic trauma pattern analysis and experimental models exclude a postmortem origin for the Cioclovina fractures. Rather, they indicate two incidents of blunt force trauma, the second clearly inflicted with a club-like object. The magnitude and extent of the lesions and the lack of signs of healing indicate a fatal injury. The Upper Paleolithic period is noted for intensified technological innovation, increased symbolic behavior, and cultural complexity. We show that the behavioural repertoire of the earliest modern Europeans also comprised violent inter-personal interactions and murder.