Dialect and gender perception in relation to the intelligibility of low-pass and high-pass filtered spontaneous speecha).

Most cues to speech intelligibility are within a narrow frequency range, with its upper limit not exceeding 4 kHz. It is still unclear whether speaker-related (indexical) information is available past this limit or how speaker characteristics are distributed at frequencies within and outside the intelligibility range. Using low-pass and high-pass filtering, we examined the perceptual salience of dialect and gender cues in both intelligible and unintelligible speech. Setting the upper frequency limit at 11 kHz, spontaneously produced unique utterances (n = 400) from 40 speakers were high-pass filtered with frequency cutoffs from 0.7 to 5.56 kHz and presented to listeners for dialect and gender identification and intelligibility evaluation. The same material and experimental procedures were used to probe perception of low-pass filtered and unmodified speech with cutoffs from 0.5 to 1.1 kHz. Applying statistical signal detection theory analyses, we found that cues to gender were well preserved at low and high frequencies and did not depend on intelligibility, and the redundancy of gender cues at higher frequencies reduced response bias. Cues to dialect were relatively strong at low and high frequencies; however, most were in intelligible speech, modulated by a differential intelligibility advantage of male and female speakers at low and high frequencies.

Introduction to the special issue on perception and production of sounds in the high-frequency range of human speecha).

The frequency range audible to humans can extend from 20 Hz to 20 kHz, but only a portion of this range-the lower end up to 8 kHz-has been systematically explored because extended high-frequency (EHF) information above this low range has been considered unnecessary for speech comprehension. This special issue presents a collection of research studies exploring the presence of EHF information in the acoustic signal and its perceptual utility. The papers address the role of EHF hearing in auditory perception, the impact of EHF hearing loss on speech perception in specific populations and occupational settings, the importance of EHF in speech recognition and in providing speaker-related information, the utility of acoustic EHF energy in fricative sounds, and ultrasonic vocalizations in mice in relation to human hearing. Collectively, the research findings offer new insights and converge in showing that not only is EHF energy present in the speech spectrum, but listeners can utilize EHF cues in speech processing and recognition, and EHF hearing loss has detrimental effects on perception of speech and non-speech sounds. Together, this collection challenges the conventional notion that EHF information has minimal functional significance.

Perception of indexical cues in speech by children and adults with and without dyslexia: Regional dialect and gender identification.

Auditory research in developmental dyslexia proposes that deficient auditory processing of speech underlies difficulties with reading and spelling. Focusing predominantly on phonological processing, studies have not yet addressed the role of the speaker-related (indexical) properties of speech that enable the formation of phonological representations. Here, we assess auditory processing of indexical characteristics cueing a speaker's regional dialect and gender to determine whether dyslexia constraints recognition of dialect features and voice gender. Adults and children aged 11-14 years with dyslexia and their age-matched controls responded to 360 unique sentences extracted from spontaneous conversations of 40 speakers. In addition to the original unprocessed speech, there were two focused filtered conditions (using lowpass filtering at 400 Hz and 8-channel noise vocoding) probing listeners' responses to segmental and prosodic cues. Compared with controls, both groups with dyslexia were significantly limited in their abilities to recognize dialect features from either set of cues. The results for gender suggest that their comparatively worse gender recognition in the noise-vocoded condition was possibly related to poor temporal resolution. We propose that the deficient processing of indexical cues by individuals with dyslexia originates in peripheral auditory processes, of which impaired processing of relevant temporal cues in amplitude envelope is a likely candidate.

Variability in within-category implementation of stop consonant voicing in American English-speaking children.

The development of stop consonant voicing in English-speaking children has been documented as a progressive mastery of phonological contrast, but implementation of voicing within one voicing category has not been systematically examined. This study provides a comprehensive account of structured variability in phonetic realization of /b/ in running speech by 8-12-year-old American children (n = 48) when compared to adults (n = 36). The stop always occurred word-initially, was followed by either a voiced or voiceless coda, and its position varied in a sentence, which created systematic conditions to examine acoustic variability in closure duration (CD) and voicing during the closure (VDC) stemming from phonetic context and prosodic prominence. Children demonstrated command of long-distance anticipatory coarticulation, providing evidence that information about coda voicing is distributed over an entire monosyllabic word and is available in the onset stop. They also manifested covariation of cues to stop voicing and command of prosodic variation, despite greater random variability, greater CD, reduced VDC, and exaggerated execution of sentential focus when compared to adults. Controlling for regional variation, dialect was a significant predictor for adults but not for children, who no longer adhered to the marked local variants in their implementation of stop voicing.

Perception of local and non-local vowels by adults and children in the South.

This study assessed the ability of Southern listeners to accommodate extensive talker variability in identifying vowels in their local Appalachian community in the context of sound change. Building on prior work, the current experiment targeted a subset of spectrally overlapping vowels in local and two non-local varieties to establish whether adult and child listeners will demonstrate the local dialect advantage. Listeners responded to isolated target words, which minimized the interaction of multiple linguistic and dialect-specific features. For most vowel categories, the local dialect advantage was not demonstrated. However, adult listeners showed sensitivity to generational changes, indicating their familiarity with the local norms. A differential response pattern in children suggests that children perceived the vowels through the lens of their own experience with vowel production, representing a sound change in the community. Compared with the adults, children also relied more on stress cues, with increased confusions when the vowels were unstressed. The study provides evidence that identification accuracy is dependent upon the robustness of cues in individual vowel categories-whether local or non-local-and suggests that the bottom-up processes underlying phonetic vowel categorization in isolated monosyllables can interact with the top-down processing of dialect- and talker-specific information.

The old, the new, and the in-between: Preadolescents' use of stylistic variation in speech in projecting their own identity in a culturally changing environment.

Cultural learning begins early, with infants' and young children's initial imitations of group-specific local behaviors. Comparatively little is known about cultural development in older children, whose more advanced socio-cognitive skills can moderate their decisions about adherence to the established cultural conventions and acceptance of new norms. Focusing on the acquisition of a regional dialect, the current study was conducted in a small community in western North Carolina, whose rich Appalachian heritage grew from distinctive cultural and living traditions. The region has gradually opened up to outside influences and the local culture is now shifting toward mainstream American socio-cultural norms. The study sought to determine how preadolescents positioned themselves in this socio-culturally changing environment. Using detailed acoustic analysis to measure stylistic variation in speech in 9-12-year-olds and perceptual ratings to verify its salience, we examined the pronunciation of the vowel /ai/ to test children's adherence to the old Appalachian identity marker (the monophthong) and their acceptance of the modern American society (the diphthong). As an innovation, children created an intermediate phonetic variant that reduced the pronunciation differences between the old and modern patterns. Demonstrating the ability to adapt speech style to context, they increased the degree of diphthongization in this /ai/-variant in careful speech (reading), and reduced it in casual conversations. Girls' productions were more diphthongal than were boys' in reading but not in conversations. The new variant in children represents regional dialect levelling, and likely results from their accommodation to the changing environment, which promotes reduction of old marked forms.

Regional Variation in Fundamental Frequency of American English Vowels.

We examined whether the fundamental frequency (f0) of vowels is influenced by regional variation, aiming to (1) establish how the relationship between vowel height and f0 ("intrinsic f0") is utilized in regional vowel systems and (2) determine whether regional varieties differ in their implementation of the effects of phonetic context on f0 variations. An extended set of acoustic measures explored f0 in vowels in isolated tokens (experiment 1) and in connected speech (experiment 2) from 36 women representing 3 different varieties of American English. Regional differences were found in f0 shape in isolated tokens, in the magnitude of intrinsic f0 difference between high and low vowels, in the nature of f0 contours in stressed vowels, and in the completion of f0 contours in the context of coda voicing. Regional varieties utilize f0 control in vowels in different ways, including regional f0 ranges and variation in f0 shape.

Reconceptualizing the vowel space in analyzing regional dialect variation and sound change in American English.

Vowel space area (VSA) calculated on the basis of corner vowels has emerged as a metric for the study of regional variation, speech intelligibility and speech development. This paper gives an evaluation of the basic assumptions underlying both the concept of the vowel space and the utility of the VSA in making cross-dialectal and sound change comparisons. Using cross-generational data from 135 female speakers representing three distinct dialects of American English, the first step was to establish that the vowel quadrilateral fails as a metric in the context of dialect variation. The next step was to examine the efficacy of more complete assessments of VSA represented by the convex hull and the concave hull. Despite the improvement over the quadrilateral, both metrics yielded inconsistent estimates of VSA. This paper then explores the possibility that regional variation can be characterized more effectively if formant dynamics and the resulting spectral overlap were also considered in defining the space. The proposed formant density approach showed that the working space may be common to all dialects but the differences are in the internal distribution of spectral density regions that define dialect-specific "usage" of the acoustic space. The dialect-inherent distribution of high and low density regions is largely shaped by sound change.

Intrinsic fundamental frequency of vowels is moderated by regional dialect.

There has been a long-standing debate whether the intrinsic fundamental frequency (IF0) of vowels is an automatic consequence of articulation or whether it is independently controlled by speakers to perceptually enhance vowel contrasts along the height dimension. This paper provides evidence from regional variation in American English that IF0 difference between high and low vowels is, in part, controlled and varies across dialects. The sources of this F0 control are socio-cultural and cannot be attributed to differences in the vowel inventory size. The socially motivated enhancement was found only in prosodically prominent contexts.

Vowel development in an emergent Mandarin-English bilingual child: a longitudinal study.

This longitudinal case study documents the emergence of bilingualism in a young monolingual Mandarin boy on the basis of an acoustic analysis of his vowel productions recorded via a picture-naming task over 20 months following his enrollment in an all-English (L2) preschool at the age of 3;7. The study examined (1) his initial L2 vowel space, (2) the process of L1-L2 separation, and (3) his L1 vowel system in relation to L2. The child initially utilized his L1 base in building the L2 vowel system. The L1-L2 separation started from a drastic restructuring of his working vowel space to create maximal contrast between the two languages. Meanwhile, L1 developmental processes and influence of L2 on L1 were also in effect. The developmental profile of this child uncovered strategies sequential bilingual children may use to restructure their phonetic space and construct a new system of contrasts in L2.

Evaluating Speaker-Listener Cognitive Effort in Speech Communication Through Brain-to-Brain Synchrony: A Pilot Functional Near-Infrared Spectroscopy Investigation.

PURPOSE: We explore a new approach to the study of cognitive effort involved in listening to speech by measuring the brain activity in a listener in relation to the brain activity in a speaker. We hypothesize that the strength of this brain-to-brain synchrony (coupling) reflects the magnitude of cognitive effort involved in verbal communication and includes both listening effort and speaking effort. We investigate whether interbrain synchrony is greater in native-to-native versus native-to-nonnative communication using functional near-infrared spectroscopy (fNIRS). METHOD: Two speakers participated, a native speaker of American English and a native speaker of Korean who spoke English as a second language. Each speaker was fitted with the fNIRS cap and told short stories. The native English speaker provided the English narratives, and the Korean speaker provided both the nonnative (accented) English and Korean narratives. In separate sessions, fNIRS data were obtained from seven English monolingual participants ages 20-24 years who listened to each speaker's stories. After listening to each story in native and nonnative English, they retold the content, and their transcripts and audio recordings were analyzed for comprehension and discourse fluency, measured in the number of hesitations and articulation rate. No story retellings were obtained for narratives in Korean (an incomprehensible language for English listeners). Utilizing fNIRS technique termed sequential scanning, we quantified the brain-to-brain synchronization in each speaker-listener dyad. RESULTS: For native-to-native dyads, multiple brain regions associated with various linguistic and executive functions were activated. There was a weaker coupling for native-to-nonnative dyads, and only the brain regions associated with higher order cognitive processes and functions were synchronized. All listeners understood the content of all stories, but they hesitated significantly more when retelling stories told in accented English. The nonnative speaker hesitated significantly more often than the native speaker and had a significantly slower articulation rate. There was no brain-to-brain coupling during listening to Korean, indicating a break in communication when listeners failed to comprehend the speaker. CONCLUSIONS: We found that effortful speech processing decreased interbrain synchrony and delayed comprehension processes. The obtained brain-based and behavioral patterns are consistent with our proposal that cognitive effort in verbal communication pertains to both the listener and the speaker and that brain-to-brain synchrony can be an indicator of differences in their cumulative communicative effort. SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIAL: https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.25452142.

The effects of cross-generational and cross-dialectal variation on vowel identification and classification.

Cross-generational and cross-dialectal variation in vowels among speakers of American English was examined in terms of vowel identification by listeners and vowel classification using pattern recognition. Listeners from Western North Carolina and Southeastern Wisconsin identified 12 vowel categories produced by 120 speakers stratified by age (old adults, young adults, and children), gender, and dialect. The vowels /ɝ, o, ʊ, u/ were well identified by both groups of listeners. The majority of confusions were for the front /i, ɪ, e, ɛ, æ/, the low back /ɑ, ɔ/ and the monophthongal North Carolina /aɪ/. For selected vowels, generational differences in acoustic vowel characteristics were perceptually salient, suggesting listeners' responsiveness to sound change. Female exemplars and native-dialect variants produced higher identification rates. Linear discriminant analyses which examined dialect and generational classification accuracy showed that sampling the formant pattern at vowel midpoint only is insufficient to separate the vowels. Two sample points near onset and offset provided enough information for successful classification. The models trained on one dialect classified the vowels from the other dialect with much lower accuracy. The results strongly support the importance of dynamic information in accurate classification of cross-generational and cross-dialectal variations.

Cross-generational vowel change in American English.

This study examines cross-generational changes in the vowel systems in central Ohio, southeastern Wisconsin and western North Carolina. Speech samples from 239 speakers, males and females, were divided into three age groups: grandparents (66-91 years old), parents (35-51) and children (8-12). Acoustic analysis of vowel dynamics (i.e., formant movement) was undertaken to explore variation in the amount of spectral change for each vowel. A robust set of cross-generational changes in /ɪ, ε, æ, ɑ/ was found within each dialect-specific vowel system, involving both their positions and dynamics. With each successive generation, /ɪ, ε, æ/ become increasingly monophthongized and /ɑ/ is diphthongized in children. These changes correspond to a general anticlockwise parallel rotation of vowels (with some exceptions in /ɪ/ and /ε/). Given the widespread occurrence of these parallel chain-like changes, we term this development the "North American Shift" which conforms to the general principles of chain shifting formulated by Labov (1994) and others.

Auditory spectral integration in the perception of diphthongal vowels.

This study considers an operation of an auditory spectral integration process which may be involved in perceiving dynamic time-varying changes in speech found in diphthongs and glide-type transitions. Does the auditory system need explicit vowel formants to track the dynamic changes over time? Listeners classified diphthongs on the basis of a moving center of gravity (COG) brought about by changing intensity ratio of static spectral components instead of changing an F2. Listeners were unable to detect COG movement only when the F2 change was small (160 Hz) or when the separation between the static components was large (4.95 bark).

Between-speaker and within-speaker variation in speech tempo of American English.

This study characterizes the speech tempo (articulation rate, excluding pauses) of two distinct varieties of American English taking into account both between-speaker and within-speaker variation. Each of 192 speakers from Wisconsin (the northern variety) and from North Carolina (the southern variety), men and women, ranging in age from children to old adults, read a set of sentences and produced a spontaneous unconstrained talk. Articulation rate in spontaneous speech was modeled using fixed-mixed effects analyses. The models explored the effects of the between-speaker factors dialect, age and gender and included each phrase and its length as a source of both between- and within-speaker variation. The major findings are: (1) Wisconsin speakers speak significantly faster and produce shorter phrases than North Carolina speakers; (2) speech tempo changes across the lifespan, being fastest for individuals in their 40s; (3) men speak faster than women and this effect is not related to the length of phrases they produce. Articulation rate in reading was slower than in speaking and the effects of gender and age also differed in reading and spontaneous speech. The effects of dialect in reading remained the same, showing again that Wisconsin speakers had faster articulation rates than did North Carolina speakers.

Auditory spectral integration in nontraditional speech cues in diotic and dichotic listening.

Underlying auditory processes in speech perception were explored. Specifically of interest were the stages of auditory processing involved in the integration of dynamic information in nontraditional speech cues such as the virtual formant transitions. These signals utilize intensity ratio cues and changes in spectral center-of-gravity (instead of the actual formant frequency transitions) to produce perceived F3 glides. 6 men and 8 women (M age = 24.2 yr., SD = 2.1), recruited through posted materials from graduate students at The Ohio State University, participated in two experiments. The results for frequency-based formant transitions (Exp. 1) indicated that spectral cues to syllable identification are combined at more central levels of auditory processing. However, when the components of the virtual formant stimuli were divided between the ears in a dichotic listening task (Exp. 2), the results indicated that auditory spectral integration may occur above the auditory periphery but at stages more intermediate rather than central.

Cross-dialectal variation in formant dynamics of American English vowels.

This study aims to characterize the nature of the dynamic spectral change in vowels in three distinct regional varieties of American English spoken in the Western North Carolina, in Central Ohio, and in Southern Wisconsin. The vowels /I, epsilon, e, ae, aI/ were produced by 48 women for a total of 1920 utterances and were contained in words of the structure /bVts/ and /bVdz/ in sentences which elicited nonemphatic and emphatic vowels. Measurements made at the vowel target (i.e., the central 60% of the vowel) produced a set of acoustic parameters which included position and movement in the F1 by F2 space, vowel duration, amount of spectral change [measured as vector length (VL) and trajectory length (TL)], and spectral rate of change. Results revealed expected variation in formant dynamics as a function of phonetic factors (vowel emphasis and consonantal context). However, for each vowel and for each measure employed, dialect was a strong source of variation in vowel-inherent spectral change. In general, the dialect-specific nature and amount of spectral change can be characterized quite effectively by position and movement in the F1 by F2 space, vowel duration, TL (but not VL which underestimates formant movement), and spectral rate of change.

Variation in stop consonant voicing in two regional varieties of American English.

This study is an acoustic investigation of the nature and extent of consonant voicing of the stop /b/ in two dialectal varieties of American English spoken in south-central Wisconsin and western North Carolina. The stop /b/ occurred at the juncture of two words such as small bids, in a position between two voiced sonorants, i.e. the liquid /l/ and a vowel. Twenty women participated, ten representing the Wisconsin and ten the North Carolina variety, respectively. Significant dialectal differences were found in the voicing patterns. The Wisconsin stop closures were usually not fully voiced and terminated in a complete silence followed by a closure release whereas North Carolina speakers produced mostly fully voiced closures. Further dialectal differences included the proportion of closure voicing as a function of word emphasis. For Wisconsin speakers, the proportion of closure voicing was smallest when the word was emphasized and it was greatest in non-emphatic positions. For North Carolina speakers, the degree of word emphasis did not have an effect on the proportion of closure voicing. The results suggest different mechanisms by which closure voicing is maintained in these two dialects, pointing to active articulatory maneuvers in North Carolina speakers and passive in Wisconsin speakers.

Articulation rate across dialect, age, and gender.

The understanding of sociolinguistic variation is growing rapidly, but basic gaps still remain. Whether some languages or dialects are spoken faster or slower than others constitutes such a gap. Speech tempo is interconnected with social, physical and psychological markings of speech. This study examines regional variation in articulation rate and its manifestations across speaker age, gender and speaking situations (reading vs. free conversation). The results of an experimental investigation show that articulation rate differs significantly between two regional varieties of American English examined here. A group of Northern speakers (from Wisconsin) spoke significantly faster than a group of Southern speakers (from North Carolina). With regard to age and gender, young adults read faster than older adults in both regions; in free speech, only Northern young adults spoke faster than older adults. Effects of gender were smaller and less consistent; men generally spoke slightly faster than women. As the body of work on the sociophonetics of American English continues to grow in scope and depth, we argue that it is important to include fundamental phonetic information as part of our catalog of regional differences and patterns of change in American English.

Amplitude variations in coarticulated vowels.

This paper seeks to characterize the nature, size, and range of acoustic amplitude variation in naturally produced coarticulated vowels in order to determine its potential contribution and relevance to vowel perception. The study is a partial replication and extension of the pioneering work by House and Fairbanks [J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 22, 105-113 (1953)], who reported large variation in vowel amplitude as a function of consonantal context. Eight American English vowels spoken by men and women were recorded in ten symmetrical CVC consonantal contexts. Acoustic amplitude measures included overall rms amplitude, amplitude of the rms peak along with its relative location in the CVC-word, and the amplitudes of individual formants F1-F4 along with their frequencies. House and Fairbanks' amplitude results were not replicated: Neither the overall rms nor the rms peak varied appreciably as a function of consonantal context. However, consonantal context was shown to affect significantly and systematically the amplitudes of individual formants at the vowel nucleus. These effects persisted in the auditory representation of the vowel signal. Auditory spectra showed that the pattern of spectral amplitude variation as a function of contextual effects may still be encoded and represented at early stages of processing by the peripheral auditory system.