Identifying Optimal Methods for Addressing Confounding Bias When Estimating the Effects of State-level Policies.

BACKGROUND: Policy evaluation studies that assess how state-level policies affect health-related outcomes are foundational to health and social policy research. The relative ability of newer analytic methods to address confounding, a key source of bias in observational studies, has not been closely examined. METHODS: We conducted a simulation study to examine how differing magnitudes of confounding affected the performance of 4 methods used for policy evaluations: (1) the two-way fixed effects difference-in-differences model; (2) a 1-period lagged autoregressive model; (3) augmented synthetic control method; and (4) the doubly robust difference-in-differences approach with multiple time periods from Callaway-Sant'Anna. We simulated our data to have staggered policy adoption and multiple confounding scenarios (i.e., varying the magnitude and nature of confounding relationships). RESULTS: Bias increased for each method: (1) as confounding magnitude increases; (2) when confounding is generated with respect to prior outcome trends (rather than levels), and (3) when confounding associations are nonlinear (rather than linear). The autoregressive model and augmented synthetic control method had notably lower root mean squared error than the two-way fixed effects and Callaway-Sant'Anna approaches for all scenarios; the exception is nonlinear confounding by prior trends, where Callaway-Sant'Anna excels. Coverage rates were unreasonably high for the augmented synthetic control method (e.g., 100%), reflecting large model-based standard errors and wide confidence intervals in practice. CONCLUSIONS: In our simulation study, no single method consistently outperformed the others, but a researcher's toolkit should include all methodologic options. Our simulations and associated R package can help researchers choose the most appropriate approach for their data.

Effects of Opioid Prescribing Cap Laws on Opioid and Other Pain Treatments Among Persons with Chronic Pain.

BACKGROUND: Many states have adopted laws that limit the amount or duration of opioid prescriptions. These limits often focus on prescriptions for acute pain, but there may be unintended consequences for those diagnosed with chronic pain, including reduced opioid prescribing without substitution of appropriate non-opioid treatments. OBJECTIVE: To evaluate the effects of state opioid prescribing cap laws on opioid and non-opioid treatment among those diagnosed with chronic pain. DESIGN: We used a difference-in-differences approach that accounts for staggered policy adoption. Treated states included 32 states that implemented a prescribing cap law between 2017 and 2019. POPULATION: A total of 480,856 adults in the USA who were continuously enrolled in medical and pharmacy coverage from 2013 to 2019 and diagnosed with a chronic pain condition between 2013 and 2016. MAIN MEASURES: Among individuals with chronic pain in each state: proportion with at least one opioid prescription and with prescriptions of a specific duration or dose, average number of opioid prescriptions, average opioid prescription duration and dose, proportion with at least one non-opioid chronic pain prescription, average number of such prescriptions, proportion with at least one chronic pain procedure, and average number of such procedures. KEY RESULTS: State laws limiting opioid prescriptions were not associated with changes in opioid prescribing, non-opioid medication prescribing, or non-opioid chronic pain procedures among patients with chronic pain diagnoses. CONCLUSIONS: These findings do not support an association between state opioid prescribing cap laws and changes in the treatment of chronic non-cancer pain.

Pandemic-Related Workplace Violence and Its Impact on Public Health Officials, March 2020‒January 2021.

Objectives. To characterize the experience and impact of pandemic-related workplace violence in the form of harassment and threats against public health officials. Methods. We used a mixed methods approach, combining media content and a national survey of local health departments (LHDs) in the United States, to identify harassment against public health officials from March 2020 to January 2021. We compared media-portrayed experiences, survey-reported experiences, and publicly reported position departures. Results. At least 1499 harassment experiences were identified by LHD survey respondents, representing 57% of responding departments. We also identified 222 position departures by public health officials nationally, 36% alongside reports of harassment. Public health officials described experiencing structural and political undermining of their professional duties, marginalization of their expertise, social villainization, and disillusionment. Many affected leaders remain in their positions. Conclusions. Interventions to reduce undermining, ostracizing, and intimidating acts against health officials are needed for a sustainable public health system. We recommend training leaders to respond to political conflict, improving colleague support networks, providing trauma-informed worker support, investing in long-term public health staffing and infrastructure, and establishing workplace violence reporting systems and legal protections. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(5):736-746. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306649).

Reimagining public safety: Public opinion on police reform and gun violence prevention by race and gun ownership in the United States.

Inequitable experiences of community gun violence and victimization by police use of force led to nationwide calls to "reimagine public safety" in 2020. In January 2021, we examined public support among U.S. adults for 7 policy approaches to reforming policing and investing in community gun violence prevention. Using a nationally representative sample (N = 2778), with oversampling for Black Americans, Hispanic Americans, and gun owners, we assessed support overall and by racial, ethnic, and gun owner subgroups. Overall, we found majority support for funding and implementing police and mental health co-responder models (66% and 76%, respectively), diversion from incarceration for people with symptoms of mental illness (72%), stronger laws to assure police accountability (72%), and funding for community-based and hospital-based gun violence prevention programs (69% and 60%, respectively). Support for redirecting funding from the police to social services was more variable (44% overall; White: 35%, Black: 60%, Hispanic: 43%). For all survey items, support was strongest among Black Americans. Gun owners overall reported lower support for public safety reforms and investments than respondents who did not own guns, but this distinction was found to be driven by White gun owners. The views of Black gun owners were indistinguishable from Black non-owners and were similar to White non-owners on most issues. These findings suggest that broad public support exists for innovative violence reduction strategies and public safety reforms.

National support for gun policies among U.S. adults in 2019 and 2021.

Gun-related deaths and gun purchases were at record highs in 2020. In light of the COVID-19 pandemic, public protests against police violence, and a tense political environment, which may influence policy preferences, we aimed to understand the current state of support for gun policies in the U.S. We fielded a national public opinion survey in January 2019 and January 2021 using an online panel to measure support for 34 gun policies among U.S. adults. We compared support over time, by gun ownership status, and by political party affiliation. Most respondents supported 33 of the 34 gun regulations studied. Support for seven restrictive policies declined from 2019 to 2021, driven by reduced support among non-gun owners. Support declined for three permissive policies: allowing legal gun carriers to bring guns onto college campuses or K-12 schools and stand your ground laws. Public support for gun-related policies decreased from 2019 to 2021, driven by decreased support among Republicans and non-gun owners.

National support for gun policies among U.S. adults in 2019 and 2021.

Gun-related deaths and gun purchases were at record highs in 2020. In light of the COVID-19 pandemic, public protests against police violence, and a tense political environment, which may influence policy preferences, we aimed to understand the current state of support for gun policies in the U.S. We fielded a national public opinion survey in January 2019 and January 2021 using an online panel to measure support for 34 gun policies among U.S. adults. We compared support over time, by gun ownership status, and by political party affiliation. Most respondents supported 33 of the 34 gun regulations studied. Support for seven restrictive policies declined from 2019 to 2021, driven by reduced support among non-gun owners. Support declined for three permissive policies: allowing legal gun carriers to bring guns onto college campuses or K-12 schools and stand your ground laws. Public support for gun-related policies decreased from 2019 to 2021, driven by decreased support among Republicans and non-gun owners.

Cancer Screening Among Adults With and Without Serious Mental Illness: A Mixed Methods Study.

BACKGROUND: Persons with serious mental illness (SMI) die 10-20 years earlier than the general population; cancer is the second leading cause of death. Differences in cancer screening between SMI and the general population are not well understood. OBJECTIVES: To describe receipt of cancer screening among individuals with versus without SMI and to explore clinicians' perceptions around cancer screening for people with SMI. METHODS: Mixed-methods study using 2010-2017 MarketScan commercial insurance administrative claims data and semi-structured clinician interviews. In the quantitative analyses, we used multivariate logistic regression analyses to calculate the likelihood of receiving cervical, breast, colorectal, or prostate cancer screening among people with versus without SMI, defined as schizophrenia or bipolar disorder. We conducted semi-structured interviews with 17 primary care physicians and 15 psychiatrists. Interview transcripts were coded using a hybrid deductive/inductive approach. RESULTS: Relative to those without SMI, individuals with SMI were less likely to receive screening for cervical cancer [adjusted odds ratio (aOR): 0.80; 95% confidence interval (CI): 0.80-0.81], breast cancer (aOR: 0.79; 95% CI: 0.78-0.80), colorectal cancer (aOR: 0.90; 95% CI: 0.89-0.91), and prostate cancer (aOR: 0.85; 95% CI: 0.84-0.87). Clinicians identified 5 themes that may help explain the lower rates of cancer screening in persons with SMI: access to care, available support, prioritization of other issues, communication, and patient concerns. CONCLUSIONS: People with SMI were less likely to receive 4 common types of cancer screening. Improving cancer screening rates in the SMI population will likely require a multidisciplinary approach to overcome barriers to screening.

Predictors of cancer screening among Black and White Maryland Medicaid enrollees with serious mental illness.

BACKGROUND: Cancer is the second leading cause of death for people with serious mental illness (SMI), such as schizophrenia and bipolar disorder. People with SMI receive cancer screenings at lower rates than the general population. AIMS: We sought to identify factors associated with cancer screening in a publicly insured population with SMI and stratified by race, a factor itself linked with differential rates of cancer screening. MATERIALS AND METHODS: We used Maryland Medicaid administrative claims data (2010-2018) to examine screening rates for cervical cancer (N = 40,622), breast cancer (N = 9818), colorectal cancer (N = 19,306), and prostate cancer (N = 4887) among eligible Black and white enrollees with SMI. We examined individual-level socio-demographic and clinical factors, including co-occurring substance use disorder, medical comorbidities, psychiatric diagnosis, obstetric-gynecologic and primary care utilization, as well as county-level characteristics, including metropolitan status, mean household income, and primary care workforce capacity. Generalized estimating equations with a logit link were used to examine the characteristics associated with cancer screening. RESULTS: Compared with white enrollees, Black enrollees were more likely to receive screening for cervical cancer (AOR: 1.18; 95% CI: 1.15-1.22), breast cancer (AOR: 1.27; 95% CI: 1.19-1.36), and colorectal cancer (AOR: 1.07; 95% CI: 1.02-1.13), while similar rates were observed for prostate cancer screening (AOR: 1.06; 95% CI: 0.96-1.18). Primary care utilization and longer Medicaid enrollment were positively associated with cancer screening while co-occurring substance use disorder was negatively associated with cancer screening. CONCLUSION: Improving cancer screening rates among populations with SMI should focus on facilitating continuous insurance coverage and access to primary care.

Effects of Maryland's Affordable Care Act Medicaid Health Home Waiver on Quality of Cardiovascular Care Among People with Serious Mental Illness.

BACKGROUND: Nineteen US states and D.C. have used the Affordable Care Act Medicaid health home waiver to create behavioral health home (BHH) programs for Medicaid beneficiaries with serious mental illness (SMI). BHH programs integrate physical healthcare management and coordination into specialty mental health programs. No studies have evaluated the effects of a BHH program created through the Affordable Care Act waiver on cardiovascular care quality among people with SMI. OBJECTIVE: To study the effects of Maryland's Medicaid health home waiver BHH program, implemented October 1, 2013, on quality of cardiovascular care among individuals with SMI. DESIGN: Retrospective cohort analysis using Maryland Medicaid administrative claims data from July 1, 2010, to September 30, 2016. We used marginal structural modeling with inverse probability of treatment weighting to account for censoring and potential time-dependent confounding. PARTICIPANTS: Maryland Medicaid beneficiaries with diabetes or cardiovascular disease (CVD) participating in psychiatric rehabilitation programs, the setting in which BHHs were implemented. To qualify for psychiatric rehabilitation programs, individuals must have SMI. The analytic sample included BHH and non-BHH participants, N = 2605 with diabetes and N = 1899 with CVD. MAIN MEASURES: Healthcare Effectiveness Data and Information Set (HEDIS) measures of cardiovascular care quality including annual receipt of diabetic eye and foot exams; HbA1c, diabetic nephropathy, and cholesterol testing; and statin therapy receipt and adherence among individuals with diabetes, as well as HEDIS measures of annual receipt of cholesterol testing and statin therapy and adherence among individuals with CVD. KEY RESULTS: Relative to non-enrollment, enrollment in Maryland's BHH program was associated with increased likelihood of eye exam receipt among individuals with SMI and co-morbid diabetes, but no changes in other care quality measures. CONCLUSIONS: Additional financing, infrastructure, and implementation supports may be needed to realize the full potential of Maryland's BHH to improve cardiovascular care for people with SMI.

Support for gun policies among young adults in the U.S., 2017-2019.

After the school shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida in 2018, there was an increase in gun violence prevention-related advocacy. While much of this recent political activity and engagement was led by young adults, little is known about support for specific gun policies within this age group. This study uses data from two nationally representative surveys fielded in 2017 and 2019 to compare public support for gun policies: (1) between young adults age 18-29 years and adults age 30 and older, and (2) between young adults in 2017 and young adults in 2019, before and after the Parkland shooting. Relative to adults age 30 and older, young adults had lower support for 16 of 20 gun violence prevention policies examined. Public support was largely unchanged between 2017 and 2019 among survey respondents ages 18-29; however, support for requiring a safety test for concealed carry decreased significantly among young adults between 2017 and 2019. Despite owning fewer guns and finding gun violence prevention important generally, young adults appear to have lower support for policies that regulate guns compared to older adults.

Differences in public support for handgun purchaser licensing.

OBJECTIVE: To assess whether there are differences in support for handgun purchaser licensing. METHODS: We used data from four waves of online, national polling on gun policy. To estimate differences in support for licensing across groups, we categorised respondents by whether they personally owned a gun, lived in a state with handgun purchaser licensing or lived in a state regulating private sales without a licensing system. RESULTS: Eighty-four per cent of adults living in states with licensing supported the policy compared with 74% in states without the law (p<0.001). Seventy-seven per cent of gun owners living in states with licensing supported the policy vs 59% of gun owners in states without licensing (p<0.001). CONCLUSIONS: Support for licensing among gun owners living in states with these laws, many of whom have presumably gone through the process, was much higher than gun owners in states without such laws.

The Policy Ecology of Behavioral Health Homes: Case Study of Maryland's Medicaid Health Home Program.

Behavioral health homes, shown to improve receipt of evidence-based medical services among people with serious mental illness in randomized clinical trials, have had limited results in real-world settings; nonetheless, these programs are spreading rapidly. To date, no studies have considered what set of policies is needed to support effective implementation of these programs. As a first step toward identifying an optimal set of policies to support behavioral health home implementation, we use the policy ecology framework to map the policies surrounding Maryland's Medicaid behavioral health home program. Results suggest that existing policies fail to address important implementation barriers.

Care Coordination and Population Health Management Strategies and Challenges in a Behavioral Health Home Model.

OBJECTIVES: Behavioral health home (BHH) models have been developed to integrate physical and mental health care and address medical comorbidities for individuals with serious mental illnesses. Previous studies identified population health management capacity and coordination with primary care providers as key barriers to BHH implementation. This study examines the BHH leaders' perceptions of and organizational capacity to conduct these functions within the community mental health programs implementing BHHs in Maryland. METHODS: Interviews and surveys were conducted with 72 implementation leaders and 627 front-line staff from 46 of 48 Maryland BHH programs. In-depth coding of the population health management and primary care coordination themes identified subthemes related to these topics. RESULTS: BHH staff described cultures supportive of evidence-based practices, but limited ability to effectively perform population health management or primary care coordination. Tension between population health management and direct, clinical care, lack of experience, and state regulations for service delivery were identified as key challenges for population health management. Engaging primary care providers was the primary barrier to care coordination. Health information technology and staffing were barriers to both functions. CONCLUSIONS: BHHs face a number of barriers to effective implementation of core program elements. To improve programs' ability to conduct effective population health management and care coordination and meaningfully impact health outcomes for individuals with serious mental illness, multiple strategies are needed, including formalized protocols, training for staff, changes to financing mechanisms, and health information technology improvements.

Stigmatizing language in news media coverage of the opioid epidemic: Implications for public health.

Public stigma toward people who use illicit drugs impedes advancement of public health solutions to the opioid epidemic and reduces willingness to seek addiction treatment. Experimental studies show that use of certain terms, such as "addict" and "substance abuser," exacerbate stigma while alternative terms, such as "person with a substance use disorder," are less stigmatizing. We examine the frequency with which stigmatizing terms and less-stigmatizing alternatives are used in U.S. news media coverage of the opioid epidemic. We analyzed 6399 news stories about the opioid epidemic published/aired by high-circulation and high-viewership U.S. national and regional print and television news outlets from July 2008 through June 2018. We calculated the proportion of news stories mentioning terms shown to be stigmatizing, as well as terms shown to be less-stigmatizing alternatives, in randomized experiments. Data was collected during May through August 2018 and analyzed in September 2018. Over the 10-year study period, 49% of news stories about the opioid epidemic mentioned any stigmatizing term and 2% mentioned any less-stigmatizing alternative. The proportion of news stories mentioning stigmatizing terms over the 10-year study period increased from 37% in July 2008-June 2009 to 45% in July 2017-June 2018. The language included in U.S. news media coverage of the opioid epidemic may contribute to and reinforce widespread public stigma toward people with opioid use disorders. This stigma may be a barrier to implementation of evidence-based interventions to prevent opioid overdose deaths. Establishing journalistic standards to de-stigmatize the language of addiction is a public health priority.

U.S. news media coverage of solutions to the opioid crisis, 2013-2017.

News media coverage of the U.S. opioid epidemic influences Americans' knowledge of and preferences for solutions to address the crisis. From 1998 to 2012, news media coverage of the opioid epidemic focused on criminal justice-oriented solutions. We examine whether and how news coverage of solutions has shifted in the recent years of the crisis. We analyzed a random sample of 600 U.S. news stories published/aired by high circulation/viewership national and local print and television news outlets from 2013 to 2017. We examined the proportion of news stories mentioning treatment, harm reduction, prevention, criminal justice, opioid prescribing, pharmaceutical manufacturer, insurer, and other solutions. News stories were coded using a structured coding instrument, and 200 news stories were double-coded to ensure interrater reliability. Data were collected and analyzed in 2018. Treatment (mentioned in 33% of news stories), harm reduction (30%), and prevention (24%) solutions were the most frequently mentioned types of solutions. Several evidence-based public health solutions received little news coverage: medication treatment for opioid use disorder was mentioned in 9% of news stories and the harm reduction solutions syringe services programs and safe consumption sites were mentioned in 5% and 2% of news stories. While news coverage showed a promising emphasis on public health-oriented solutions, efforts to increase news coverage of examples of effective opioid use disorder treatment and harm reduction solutions are needed.

Public support for safe consumption sites and syringe services programs to combat the opioid epidemic.

We examine Americans' support for two evidence-based harm reduction strategies - safe consumption sites and syringe exchange programs - and their attitudes about individuals who use opioids. We conducted a web-based survey of a nationally representative sample of U.S. adults in July-August 2017 (N = 1004). We measured respondents' support for legalizing safe consumption sites and syringe services programs in their communities and their attitudes toward people who use opioids. We used ordered logistic regression to assess how stigmatizing attitudes toward people who use opioids, political party identification, and demographic characteristics correlated with support for the two harm reduction strategies. Twenty-nine percent of Americans supported legalizing safe consumption sites and 39% supported legalizing syringe services programs. Respondents reported high levels of stigmatizing attitudes toward people who use opioids: 16% of respondents were willing to have a person using opioids marry into their family and 28% were willing to have a person using opioids start working closely with them on a job, and 27% and 10% of respondents rated persons who use opioids as deserving (versus worthless) and strong (versus weak). Stigmatizing attitudes were associated with lower support for legalizing safe consumption sites and syringe services programs. Democrats and Independents were more likely than Republicans to support both strategies. Stigmatizing attitudes toward people who use opioids are a key modifiable barrier to garnering the public support needed to fully implement evidence-based harm reduction strategies to combat the opioid epidemic. Dissemination and evaluation of stigma reduction campaigns are a public health priority.

Experiences of health care services among people with cognitive disabilities and mental health conditions.

BACKGROUND: People with cognitive disabilities such as intellectual and developmental disabilities face significant barriers to accessing high-quality health care services. Barriers may be exacerbated for those with co-occurring mental health conditions. OBJECTIVE: This study compares patient experiences of health care services between adults with and without cognitive disabilities and, among people with a cognitive disability, those with and without co-occurring mental health conditions. METHODS: Cross-sectional analyses were conducted using 2021 Medical Expenditure Panel Survey data, a national U.S. survey, to examine differences in Consumer Assessment of Healthcare Providers and Systems measures. RESULTS: Adults with cognitive disabilities reported lower satisfaction with health care services compared to the general population (7.62 (95% confidence interval (CI): 7.41-7.83) vs. 8.33 (95% CI: 8.29-8.38) on scale from 0 to 10). Adults with cognitive disabilities were less likely to report that providers listened carefully to them (odds ratio (OR): 0.55, 95% CI: 0.42-0.71), explained things in a way that was easy to understand (OR: 0.48, 95% CI: 0.35-0.66), showed respect for what they had to say (OR: 0.38, 95% CI: 0.29-0.51), spent enough time with them (OR: 0.52, 95% CI: 0.40-0.69), or gave advice that was easy to understand (OR: 0.40, 95% CI: 0.28-0.58) compared to the general population. Among adults with cognitive disabilities, there were no differences based on co-occurring mental health conditions. CONCLUSIONS: Adults with cognitive disabilities report lower satisfaction with health care services driven by worse experiences with the health care system. Policies to increase provider capacity to support this population should be prioritized.

Interagency Coordination to Manage Co-Occurring Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities and Mental Health Conditions.

OBJECTIVE: The authors aimed to identify barriers to and strategies for supporting coordination between state agencies for intellectual and developmental disability (IDD) or mental health to meet the mental health needs of people with co-occurring IDD and mental health conditions. METHODS: Forty-nine employees of state agencies as well as advocacy and service delivery organizations across 11 U.S. states with separate IDD and mental health agencies were interviewed between April 2022 and April 2023. Data were analyzed with a thematic analysis approach. RESULTS: Interviewees reported that relationships between the IDD and mental health agencies have elements of both competition and coordination and that coordination primarily takes place in response to crisis events. Barriers to interagency coordination included a narrow focus on the populations targeted by each agency, within-state variation in agency structures, and a lack of knowledge about co-occurring IDD and mental health conditions. Interviewees also described both administrative (e.g., memorandums of understanding) and agency culture (e.g., focusing on whole-person care) strategies that are or could be used to improve coordination to provide mental health services for people with both IDD and a mental health condition. CONCLUSIONS: Strategies that support state agencies in moving away from crisis response toward a focus on whole-person care should be prioritized to support coordination of mental health services for individuals with co-occurring IDD and mental health conditions.