RESUMO
BACKGROUND: State opioid prescribing cap laws, mandatory prescription drug monitoring programme query or enrolment laws and pill mill laws have been implemented across US states to curb high-risk opioid prescribing. Previous studies have measured the impact of these laws on opioid use and overdose death, but no prior work has measured the impact of these laws on fatal crashes in a multistate analysis. METHODS: To study the association between state opioid prescribing laws and fatal crashes, 13 treatment states that implemented a single law of interest in a 4-year period were identified, together with unique groups of control states for each treatment state. Augmented synthetic control analyses were used to estimate the association between each state law and the overall rate of fatal crashes, and the rate of opioid-involved fatal crashes, per 100 000 licensed drivers in the state. Fatal crash data came from the Fatality Analysis Reporting System. RESULTS: Results of augmented synthetic control analyses showed small-in-magnitude, non-statistically significant changes in all fatal crash outcomes attributable to the 13 state opioid prescribing laws. While non-statistically significant, results attributable to the laws varied in either direction-from an increase of 0.14 (95% CI, -0.32 to 0.60) fatal crashes per 100 000 licensed drivers attributable to Ohio's opioid prescribing cap law, to a decrease of 0.30 (95% CI, -1.17 to 0.57) fatal crashes/100 000 licensed drivers attributable to Mississippi's pill mill law. CONCLUSION: These findings suggest that state-level opioid prescribing laws are insufficient to help address rising rates of fatally injured drivers who test positive for opioids. Other options will be needed to address this continuing injury problem.
RESUMO
Gun-related deaths and gun purchases were at record highs in 2020. In light of the COVID-19 pandemic, public protests against police violence, and a tense political environment, which may influence policy preferences, we aimed to understand the current state of support for gun policies in the U.S. We fielded a national public opinion survey in January 2019 and January 2021 using an online panel to measure support for 34 gun policies among U.S. adults. We compared support over time, by gun ownership status, and by political party affiliation. Most respondents supported 33 of the 34 gun regulations studied. Support for seven restrictive policies declined from 2019 to 2021, driven by reduced support among non-gun owners. Support declined for three permissive policies: allowing legal gun carriers to bring guns onto college campuses or K-12 schools and stand your ground laws. Public support for gun-related policies decreased from 2019 to 2021, driven by decreased support among Republicans and non-gun owners.
Assuntos
COVID-19 , Armas de Fogo , Adulto , Humanos , Pandemias , COVID-19/prevenção & controle , Políticas , PropriedadeRESUMO
Gun-related deaths and gun purchases were at record highs in 2020. In light of the COVID-19 pandemic, public protests against police violence, and a tense political environment, which may influence policy preferences, we aimed to understand the current state of support for gun policies in the U.S. We fielded a national public opinion survey in January 2019 and January 2021 using an online panel to measure support for 34 gun policies among U.S. adults. We compared support over time, by gun ownership status, and by political party affiliation. Most respondents supported 33 of the 34 gun regulations studied. Support for seven restrictive policies declined from 2019 to 2021, driven by reduced support among non-gun owners. Support declined for three permissive policies: allowing legal gun carriers to bring guns onto college campuses or K-12 schools and stand your ground laws. Public support for gun-related policies decreased from 2019 to 2021, driven by decreased support among Republicans and non-gun owners.
RESUMO
BACKGROUND: From 2009 to 2016, >21,000 children died and an estimated 118,000 suffered non-fatal injuries from firearms in the United States. Limited data is available on resource utilization by injury intent. We use hospital charges as a proxy for resource use and sought to: 1) estimate mean charges for initial ED and inpatient care for acute firearm injuries among children in the U.S.; 2) compare differences in charges by firearm injury intent among children; and 3) evaluate trends in charges for pediatric firearm injuries over time, including within intent subgroups. METHODS: In this repeated cross-sectional analysis of the 2009-2016 Nationwide Emergency Department Sample, we identified firearm injury cases among children aged ≤19 years using ICD-9-CM and ICD-10-CM external cause of injury codes (e-codes). Injury intent was categorized using e-codes as unintentional, assault-related, self-inflicted, or undetermined. Linear regressions utilizing survey weighting were used to examine associations between injury intent and healthcare charges, and to evaluate trends in mean charges over time. RESULTS: Among 21,951 unweighted cases representing 102,072 pediatric firearm-related injuries, mean age was 16.6 years, and a majority were male (88.2%) and publicly insured (51.5%). Injuries were 53.9% assault-related, 37.7% unintentional, 1.8% self-inflicted, and 6.7% undetermined. Self-inflicted injuries had higher mean charges ($98,988) than assault-related ($52,496) and unintentional ($28,618) injuries (p < 0.001). Self-inflicted injuries remained associated with higher mean charges relative to unintentional injuries, after adjusting for patient demographics, hospital characteristics, and injury severity (p = 0.015). Mean charges for assault-related injuries also remained significantly higher than charges for unintentional injuries in multivariable models (p < 0.001). After adjusting for inflation, mean charges for pediatric firearm-related injuries increased over time (p-trend = 0.018) and were 23.1% higher in 2016 versus 2009. Mean charges increased over time among unintentional injuries (p-trend = 0.002), but not among cases with assault-related or self-inflicted injuries. CONCLUSIONS: Self-inflicted and assault-related firearm injuries are associated with higher mean healthcare charges than unintentional firearm injuries among children. Mean charges for pediatric firearm injuries have also increased over time. These findings can help guide prevention interventions aimed at reducing the substantial burden of firearm injuries among children.
Assuntos
Serviço Hospitalar de Emergência/estatística & dados numéricos , Custos de Cuidados de Saúde/estatística & dados numéricos , Ferimentos por Arma de Fogo/economia , Adolescente , Criança , Pré-Escolar , Estudos Transversais , Serviço Hospitalar de Emergência/economia , Feminino , Hospitalização/economia , Hospitalização/estatística & dados numéricos , Humanos , Lactente , Recém-Nascido , Escala de Gravidade do Ferimento , Intenção , Masculino , Estados Unidos/epidemiologia , Ferimentos por Arma de Fogo/mortalidadeRESUMO
Objectives. To estimate and compare the effects of state background check policies on firearm-related mortality in 4 US states.Methods. Annual data from 1985 to 2017 were used to examine Maryland and Pennsylvania, which implemented point-of-sale comprehensive background check (CBC) laws for handgun purchasers; Connecticut, which adopted a handgun purchaser licensing law; and Missouri, which repealed a similar law. Using synthetic control methods, we estimated the effects of these laws on homicide and suicide rates stratified by firearm involvement.Results. There was no consistent relationship between CBC laws and mortality rates. There were estimated decreases in firearm homicide (27.8%) and firearm suicide (23.2%-40.5%) rates associated with Connecticut's law. There were estimated increases in firearm homicide (47.3%), nonfirearm homicide (18.1%), and firearm suicide (23.5%) rates associated with Missouri's repeal.Conclusions. Purchaser licensing laws coupled with CBC requirements were consistently associated with lower firearm homicide and suicide rates, but CBC laws alone were not.Public Health Implications. Our results contribute to a body of research showing that CBC laws are not associated with reductions in firearm-related deaths unless they are coupled with handgun purchaser licensing laws.
Assuntos
Armas de Fogo/legislação & jurisprudência , Homicídio/estatística & dados numéricos , Licenciamento/legislação & jurisprudência , Suicídio/estatística & dados numéricos , Adulto , Comportamento do Consumidor , Meio Ambiente , Humanos , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Mortalidade/tendências , Estados UnidosRESUMO
The role of smoking cessation treatments in the link between clean indoor air laws and cigarette taxes with smoking cessation is not known. This study examined whether the use of smoking cessation treatments mediates the association between clean indoor air laws and cigarette excise taxes, on the one hand, and recent smoking cessation, on the other hand. Using data on 62,165 adult participants in the 2003 and 2010-2011 Current Population Survey-Tobacco Use Supplement who reported smoking cigarettes in the past year, we employed structural equation models to quantify the degree to which smoking cessation treatments (prescription medications, nicotine replacement therapy, counseling/support groups, quitlines, and internet-based resources) mediate the association between clean indoor air laws, cigarette excise taxes and recent smoking cessation. Recent smoking cessation was associated with clean indoor air laws in 2003 and with both clean indoor air laws and excise taxes in 2010-2011. Smoking cessation treatments explained between 29% to 39% of the effect of clean indoor air laws and taxes on recent smoking cessation. While clean indoor air laws remained significantly associated with the recent smoking cessation over the first decade of the 2000s, excise taxes gained a more prominent role in later years of that decade. The influence of these policies was partly mediated through the use of smoking cessation treatments, underscoring the importance of policies that make these treatments more widely available.
Assuntos
Poluição do Ar em Ambientes Fechados , Abandono do Hábito de Fumar , Produtos do Tabaco , Adulto , Humanos , Análise de Mediação , Fumar , Impostos , Dispositivos para o Abandono do Uso de Tabaco , Estados UnidosRESUMO
After the school shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida in 2018, there was an increase in gun violence prevention-related advocacy. While much of this recent political activity and engagement was led by young adults, little is known about support for specific gun policies within this age group. This study uses data from two nationally representative surveys fielded in 2017 and 2019 to compare public support for gun policies: (1) between young adults age 18-29 years and adults age 30 and older, and (2) between young adults in 2017 and young adults in 2019, before and after the Parkland shooting. Relative to adults age 30 and older, young adults had lower support for 16 of 20 gun violence prevention policies examined. Public support was largely unchanged between 2017 and 2019 among survey respondents ages 18-29; however, support for requiring a safety test for concealed carry decreased significantly among young adults between 2017 and 2019. Despite owning fewer guns and finding gun violence prevention important generally, young adults appear to have lower support for policies that regulate guns compared to older adults.
Assuntos
Armas de Fogo/estatística & dados numéricos , Violência com Arma de Fogo/prevenção & controle , Propriedade/estatística & dados numéricos , Políticas , Opinião Pública , Adulto , Feminino , Armas de Fogo/legislação & jurisprudência , Florida , Humanos , Masculino , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Saúde Pública , Inquéritos e Questionários , Estados Unidos , Adulto JovemRESUMO
OBJECTIVE: To assess whether there are differences in support for handgun purchaser licensing. METHODS: We used data from four waves of online, national polling on gun policy. To estimate differences in support for licensing across groups, we categorised respondents by whether they personally owned a gun, lived in a state with handgun purchaser licensing or lived in a state regulating private sales without a licensing system. RESULTS: Eighty-four per cent of adults living in states with licensing supported the policy compared with 74% in states without the law (p<0.001). Seventy-seven per cent of gun owners living in states with licensing supported the policy vs 59% of gun owners in states without licensing (p<0.001). CONCLUSIONS: Support for licensing among gun owners living in states with these laws, many of whom have presumably gone through the process, was much higher than gun owners in states without such laws.
Assuntos
Armas de Fogo/legislação & jurisprudência , Licenciamento/legislação & jurisprudência , Propriedade/legislação & jurisprudência , Opinião Pública , Política Pública/legislação & jurisprudência , Humanos , Estados UnidosRESUMO
The gap between evidence and policy is a challenge that can be bridged through strategic outreach and translation efforts. We developed and disseminated the Resource for State Policy Makers (the Resource) to lessen the information gap between state policy makers and injury prevention researchers in Maryland. Our goal was to produce and disseminate a resource for policy makers that could be replicated by public health professionals in other states and regions. The Maryland Department of Health assumed production of the Resource in 2017, with assistance from our team. Several states and regions have replicated the Resource for their own jurisdictions. This experience provides an informative case example of one approach to increasing the role of evidence in policy making.
Assuntos
Pessoal Administrativo , Política de Saúde , Humanos , Formulação de Políticas , Pesquisadores , Violência/prevenção & controleRESUMO
Objectives. To learn about local health policymakers' experiences and responses to preemption-the ability of a higher level of government to limit policy activity at a lower level. Methods. Between March and June 2018, we conducted an anonymous Web-based survey of mayors and health officials in US cities with populations of 150 000 or more. We used descriptive statistics to analyze multiple-choice responses. We analyzed open text responses qualitatively. Results. Survey response rates were 28% (mayors) and 32% (health officials). Nearly all respondents found preemption to be an obstacle to local policymaking. When faced with preemption, 72% of health officials and 60% of mayors abandoned or delayed local policymaking efforts. Conclusions. Preemption is viewed as an impediment across a range of public health issues and may stifle local policy activity (i.e., have a chilling effect). Those working at the local level should consider the potential for preemption whenever seeking to address public health concerns in their communities. Public Health Implications. Local governments should engage with advocates, practitioners, and public health lawyers to learn about successful and failed efforts to meet public health objectives when faced with preemption.
Assuntos
Política de Saúde/legislação & jurisprudência , Formulação de Políticas , Saúde Pública/legislação & jurisprudência , Política Pública/legislação & jurisprudência , Humanos , Governo Local , Política , Governo Estadual , Inquéritos e Questionários , Estados UnidosRESUMO
The effectiveness of laws depends on circumstances affecting their enforcement. To assess such circumstances for comprehensive background check (CBC) and straw purchase laws for firearm sales, we examined prosecutions for CBC and straw purchase violations in Pennsylvania and CBC violations in Maryland. We generated pre-post variables and conducted t-tests to assess differences in the mean number of prosecutions filed following changes to the legal environments. The annual number of prosecutions for straw purchase violations increased significantly in Pennsylvania following the passage of a law that strengthened penalties for these violations (difference in means = +1310.86, P=0.003). The annual number of prosecutions for CBC violations decreased significantly in Maryland following a court decision that narrowed the definition of a firearm transfer making enforcement more difficult (difference in means = -20.52, P=0.026). Our findings suggest enforcement is likely influenced by the penalties associated with violating these laws and the interpretation of the language of the laws.
Assuntos
Armas de Fogo/legislação & jurisprudência , Licenciamento/tendências , Propriedade/legislação & jurisprudência , Política Pública/tendências , Ferimentos por Arma de Fogo/prevenção & controle , Humanos , Aplicação da Lei , Estudos Longitudinais , Maryland , PennsylvaniaRESUMO
BACKGROUND: Opioid-related injuries and deaths continue to present challenges for public health practitioners. Prescription Drug Monitoring Programs (PDMPs) are a prevalent policy option intended to address problematic opioid pain reliever (OPR) prescribing, but previous research has not thoroughly characterized their unintended consequences. OBJECTIVES: To examine state actors' perceptions of the unintended consequences of PDMPs. METHODS: We conducted 37 interviews with PDMP staff, law enforcement officials, and administrative agency employees in Florida, Kentucky, New Jersey, and Ohio from May 2015 to June 2016. RESULTS: We identified six themes from the interviews. Perceived negative unintended consequences included: access barriers for those with medical needs, heroin use as OPR substitute and related deaths, and need for adequate PDMP security infrastructure and management. Perceived positive unintended consequences were: community formation and problem awareness, proactive population-level OPR monitoring, and increased knowledge about population-level drug diversion. Conclusions/Importance: State actors perceive a range of both negative and positive unintended consequences of PDMPs. Our findings suggest that there may be unintended risks of PDMPs that states should address, but also opportunities to maximize certain benefits.
Assuntos
Analgésicos Opioides , Acessibilidade aos Serviços de Saúde , Dependência de Heroína , Programas de Monitoramento de Prescrição de Medicamentos , Conscientização , Florida , Humanos , Kentucky , Aplicação da Lei , New Jersey , Ohio , Pesquisa QualitativaRESUMO
BACKGROUND: In 2016, firearms killed 38,658 people in the United States. Federal law requires licensed gun dealers, but not private parties, to conduct background checks on prospective firearm purchasers with the goal of preventing prohibited persons from obtaining firearms. Our objective was to estimate the effect of the repeal of comprehensive background check laws-requiring a background check for all handgun sales, not just sales by licensed dealers-on firearm homicide and suicide rates in Indiana and Tennessee. METHODS: We compared age-adjusted firearm homicide and suicide rates, measured annually from 1981 to 2008 and 1994 to 2008 in Indiana and Tennessee, respectively, to rates in control groups constructed using the synthetic control method. RESULTS: The average rates of firearm homicide and suicide in Indiana and Tennessee following repeal were within the range of what could be expected, given natural variation (differences = 0.7 firearm homicides and 0.5 firearm suicides per 100,000 residents in Indiana and 0.4 firearm homicides and 0.3 firearm suicides per 100,000 residents in Tennessee). Sensitivity analyses resulted in similar findings. CONCLUSION: We found no evidence of an association between the repeal of comprehensive background check policies and firearm homicide and suicide rates in Indiana and Tennessee. In order to understand whether comprehensive background check policies reduce firearm deaths in the United States generally, more evidence on the impact of such policies from other states is needed. See video abstract at, http://links.lww.com/EDE/B353.
Assuntos
Dissidências e Disputas/legislação & jurisprudência , Armas de Fogo/legislação & jurisprudência , Homicídio/tendências , Suicídio/tendências , Feminino , Homicídio/prevenção & controle , Humanos , Indiana/epidemiologia , Aplicação da Lei , Masculino , Estudos Prospectivos , Tennessee/epidemiologia , Prevenção do SuicídioRESUMO
OBJECTIVES: To compare public support for 24 different gun policies between gun owners and non-gun owners in 2017. METHODS: We fielded a national public opinion survey in January 2017 using an online panel to measure US adults' support for 24 gun policies. We compared support among gun owners and non-gun owners. RESULTS: For 23 of the 24 policies examined, most respondents supported restricting or regulating gun ownership. Only 8 of 24 policies had greater than a 10-point support gap between gun owners and non-gun owners. CONCLUSIONS: Policies with high public support and minimal support gaps by gun ownership status included universal background checks, greater accountability for licensed gun dealers unable to account for their inventory, higher safety training standards for concealed carry permit holders, improved reporting of records related to mental illness for background checks, gun prohibitions for persons subject to temporary domestic violence restraining orders, and gun violence restraining orders. Public Health Implications. Although there are important areas where Americans disagree on guns, large majorities of both gun owners and non-gun owners strongly support measures to strengthen US gun laws.
Assuntos
Armas de Fogo/legislação & jurisprudência , Violência com Arma de Fogo/prevenção & controle , Propriedade/estatística & dados numéricos , Opinião Pública , Adolescente , Adulto , Idoso , Feminino , Humanos , Masculino , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Segurança , Estados Unidos , Adulto JovemRESUMO
Laws related to the sale, use, and carrying of firearms have been associated with differences in firearm homicide rates at the state level. Right-to-carry (RTC) and stand your ground (SYG) laws are associated with increases in firearm homicide; permit-to-purchase (PTP) laws and those prohibiting individuals convicted of violent misdemeanors (VM) have been associated with decreases in firearm homicide. Evidence for the effect of comprehensive background checks (CBC) not tied to PTP is inconclusive. Because firearm homicide tends to concentrate in urban areas, this study was designed to test the effects of firearm laws on homicide in large, urban U.S. counties. We conducted a longitudinal study using an interrupted time series design to evaluate the effect of firearm laws on homicide in large, urban U.S. counties from 1984 to 2015 (N = 136). We used mixed effects Poisson regression models with random intercepts for counties and year fixed effects to account for national trends. Models also included county and state characteristics associated with violence. Homicide was stratified by firearm versus all other methods to test for specificity of the laws' effects. PTP laws were associated with a 14% reduction in firearm homicide in large, urban counties (IRR = 0.86, 95% CI 0.82-0.90). CBC-only, SYG, RTC, and VM laws were all associated with increases in firearm homicide. None of the laws were associated with differences in non-firearm homicide rates. These findings are consistent with prior research at the state level showing PTP laws are associated with decreased firearm homicide. Testing the effects of PTP laws specifically in large, urban counties strengthens available evidence by isolating the effects in the geographic locations in which firearm homicides concentrate.
Assuntos
Armas de Fogo/legislação & jurisprudência , Armas de Fogo/estatística & dados numéricos , Violência com Arma de Fogo/legislação & jurisprudência , Violência com Arma de Fogo/estatística & dados numéricos , Homicídio/legislação & jurisprudência , Homicídio/estatística & dados numéricos , População Urbana/estatística & dados numéricos , Adolescente , Adulto , Feminino , Humanos , Estudos Longitudinais , Masculino , Estados Unidos , Adulto JovemRESUMO
The authors would like to publish this erratum to correct estimates generated from regression analyses due to errors discovered in the coding of some state laws.
RESUMO
Reducing marijuana-impaired driving is an important part of any strategy to prevent motor vehicle traffic injuries. In Colorado, the first of eight US states and the District of Columbia to legalise marijuana for recreational use, drivers with positive tests for the presence of marijuana accounted for a larger proportion of fatal MVCs after marijuana commercialisation. The use of blood tests to screen for marijuana intoxication, in Colorado and elsewhere in the USA, poses a number of challenges. Many high-income countries use oral fluid drug testing (OF) to provide roadside evidence of marijuana intoxication. A 2009 Belgium policy implementing OF roadside testing increased true positives and decreased false positives of suspected marijuana-related driving under the influence (DUI) arrests. US policy-makers should consider using roadside OF to increase objectivity and reliability for tests used in marijuana-related DUI arrests.
Assuntos
Condução de Veículo/legislação & jurisprudência , Cannabis/química , Dirigir sob a Influência/legislação & jurisprudência , Aplicação da Lei/métodos , Fumar Maconha/legislação & jurisprudência , Saliva/química , Detecção do Abuso de Substâncias/métodos , Acidentes de Trânsito/prevenção & controle , Colorado , District of Columbia , Dirigir sob a Influência/estatística & dados numéricos , HumanosRESUMO
BACKGROUND: Comprehensive background check (CBC) policies are hypothesised to reduce firearm-related violence because they extend background checks to private party firearm sales, but no study has determined whether these policies actually increase background checks, an expected intermediary outcome. We evaluate the association between CBC policies and the rates of firearm background checks in three states that recently implemented these policies: Delaware (July 2013), Colorado (July 2013) and Washington (December 2014). METHODS: We used the synthetic control group method to estimate the difference from estimated counterfactual postintervention trends in the monthly rate of background checks per 1 00 000 people for handguns, long guns and both types combined, using data for January 1999 through December 2016. Inference was based on results from permutation tests. We conducted multiple sensitivity analyses to assess the robustness of our results. RESULTS: Background check rates increased in Delaware, by 22%-34% depending on the type of firearm, following enactment of its CBC law. No overall changes were observed in Washington and Colorado. Our results were robust to changes in the comparison group and statistical methods. CONCLUSIONS: The enactment of CBC policies was associated with an overall increase in firearm background checks only in Delaware. Data external to the study suggest that Washington experienced a modest, but consistent, increase in background checks for private party sales, and Colorado experienced a similar increase in checks for sales not at gun shows. Non-compliance may explain the lack of an overall increase in background checks in Washington and Colorado.
Assuntos
Armas de Fogo/legislação & jurisprudência , Aplicação da Lei , Licenciamento/legislação & jurisprudência , Propriedade/legislação & jurisprudência , Política Pública , Ferimentos por Arma de Fogo/prevenção & controle , Colorado , Delaware , Armas de Fogo/estatística & dados numéricos , Homicídio/prevenção & controle , Humanos , Propriedade/estatística & dados numéricos , Estados Unidos , Violência/prevenção & controle , Washington , Prevenção do SuicídioRESUMO
OBJECTIVE: To model rates of 0.08â g/dL blood alcohol concentration (BAC) per se law implementation among the states associated with (1) a federal incentive grant programme and (2) a threat from the federal government to withhold highway transportation funds. METHODS: An observational study of state-level 0.08â g/dL BAC per se law enactment among all 50 US states from 1982 to 2006 using a parametric survival analysis to assess the time-dependent risk of policy enactment. RESULTS: The federal government's threat to withhold transportation funds was associated with a 10.30 times greater hazard (HR: 10.30, 95% CI 3.88 to 27.36) of states adopting a 0.08â g/dL BAC law compared with periods of time when this threat was not in place. The incentive grant programme created by the federal government was associated with a non-significant 17% decrease in the hazard of states adopting a 0.08â g/dL BAC law (HR: 0.83, 95% CI 0.35 to 2.0). CONCLUSION: In the case of 0.08â g/dL BAC per se laws, the federal government's threat to withhold transportation funds was effective at accelerating policy adoption.