Examining the consumption of radical content on YouTube.

Although it is under-studied relative to other social media platforms, YouTube is arguably the largest and most engaging online media consumption platform in the world. Recently, YouTube's scale has fueled concerns that YouTube users are being radicalized via a combination of biased recommendations and ostensibly apolitical "anti-woke" channels, both of which have been claimed to direct attention to radical political content. Here we test this hypothesis using a representative panel of more than 300,000 Americans and their individual-level browsing behavior, on and off YouTube, from January 2016 through December 2019. Using a labeled set of political news channels, we find that news consumption on YouTube is dominated by mainstream and largely centrist sources. Consumers of far-right content, while more engaged than average, represent a small and stable percentage of news consumers. However, consumption of "anti-woke" content, defined in terms of its opposition to progressive intellectual and political agendas, grew steadily in popularity and is correlated with consumption of far-right content off-platform. We find no evidence that engagement with far-right content is caused by YouTube recommendations systematically, nor do we find clear evidence that anti-woke channels serve as a gateway to the far right. Rather, consumption of political content on YouTube appears to reflect individual preferences that extend across the web as a whole.

"Consumed by creed": Obsessive-compulsive symptoms underpin ideological obsession and support for political violence.

Radicalization is a process by which individuals are introduced to an ideological belief system that encourages political, religious, or social change through the use of violence. Here we formulate an obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) model of radicalization that links obsessive passion (OP; one of the best predictors of radical intentions) to a larger body of clinical research. The model's central tenet is that individual differences in OCD symptom severity could shape radical intentions via their influence on OP. Across four ideological samples in the United States (Environmental activists, Republicans, Democrats, and Muslims, Ntotal = 1114), we found direct effects between OCD symptom severity and radical intentions, as well as indirect effects of OCD on radical intentions via OP. Even after controlling for potential individual difference and clinical confounds (e.g., adverse childhood experiences, loss of significance, and substance abuse), these relationships remained robust, implying that OCD plays a significant role in the formation of violent ideological intentions and opening new avenues for the treatment and prevention of violent extremism. We discuss the implications of conceptualizing radicalization as an OCD-like disorder with compulsive violent tendencies and ideology-related concerns.

Disentangling Support for Violent and Non-violent Radicalization among Adolescents: A Latent Profile Analysis.

Although support for violent and non-violent radicalization can co-occur, only a few adolescents who support non-violent radicalization also support or engage in violent acts. Yet, little is known about what factors are associated with adolescents' paths towards or away from violent and/or non-violent radicalization. Within a socio-ecological and positive youth development framework, this study investigates profiles of support for violent and non-violent radicalization among adolescents attending high schools in Quebec (Canada) and whether such profiles are differently associated with experiences of social adversity, school-, family- and peer-related factors and psychological distress. Adolescents (N = 1911; Mage = 15.7; SDage = 0.98; 48.7% girls) completed an online survey during school hours. A Latent Profile Analysis on scores of support for violent and non-violent radicalization was conducted. A multinomial logistic regression was used to explore the associations between profiles and variables of interest. We identified six profiles of adolescents. The heterogeneity of profiles suggested multiple and complex combinations of support for violent and non-violent radicalization as well as their co-existence in some but not all profiles. Adolescents who reported less discrimination, more positive school experiences and more family support were less likely to belong to profiles that supported violence. Primary prevention efforts in the field of support for violent radicalization must adopt a socio-ecological and social justice approach and consider the diversity of adolescents' profiles, attitudes and experiences.

Is There a Relationship between Psychotic Disorders and the Radicalization Process? A Systematic Review.

Background and Objectives: Radicalization, a complex and multifaceted phenomenon, has been a subject of increasing concern in recent years, particularly due to its potential connection to acts of mass violence and terrorism. This systematic review examines the intricate link between radicalization and psychotic disorders, utilizing various sources such as observational studies, case reports, and series. It aims to highlight the prevalence of schizophrenia spectrum and other psychotic disorders among radicalized individuals and to define the role of mental health professionals in dealing with this issue, contributing to the development of prevention and treatment strategies. Materials and Methods: The methodology involved an extensive literature search across PubMed, Scopus, and APA PsycINFO up to 1 February 2024, adhering to PRISMA guidelines. The study focused on radicalization and psychotic disorders as defined by DSM-5 criteria, excluding other mental disorders. A population sample of 41 radicalized individuals diagnosed with psychotic disorders was selected, among which schizophrenia was identified as the predominant condition. Results: It was observed that 24% of these individuals passed away soon after committing their crimes, leading the researchers to rely on retrospective data for their diagnoses. The use of diverse assessment tools for psychiatric diagnosis and the lack of a standardized method for diagnosing or assessing involvement in the radicalization process were also noted. Despite limitations like reliance on observational studies and case reports, which result in low evidence quality and varied methodologies, our work provides a valuable contribution to clarifying the relationship between radicalization and psychotic disorders. However, further clinical studies are needed to delve deeper into these aspects. Conclusions: In conclusion, our review points out that individuals with psychotic disorders do not have a higher crime rate than the general population and warns against associating crimes with mental illness due to the stigma it creates. The lack of uniform psychiatric diagnostic tools and radicalization assessment highlights the need for more standardized risk assessment tools and validated scales in psychiatric diagnosis to better understand the relationship between radicalization and psychotic disorders and to develop integrated protocols.

Radicalizing moral conservatism in herd immunity during COVID-19.

The concept of herd immunity during the coronavirus disease 2019 is constantly changing. The World Health Organization's current focus is on vaccination. With ties to the bioethics of autonomy and exemptions to mandatory vaccinations, the problem is that moral conservatism tends not to cooperate in the rollouts. Radical means can be applied not just to the concept but also its application, emphasizing the need to depart from conservative hindrances to public health.

Cumulative and independent effects of experiences of social adversity on support for violent radicalization during the COVID-19 pandemic: the mediating role of depression.

PURPOSE: Social adversity experiences have increased during the pandemic and are potential risk factors for both depression and support for violent radicalization (VR). However, the cumulative and independent effects of various social adversity experiences on support for VR have yet to be explored. This paper examines the cumulative and independent effects of COVID- and non-COVID-related discrimination, exposure to violence, traditional and cyberbullying victimization on support for VR. In addition, we investigate whether depression mediates the relationship between these forms of social adversity and support for VR. METHODS: A total of 6003 young adults (Mage = 27, SDage = 4.40, range 18-35) living in metropolitan areas in Canada responded to an online survey. We used multivariable regression models, controlling for socio-demographic characteristics, to infer covariate adjusted associations between social adversity measures and support for VR. Additionally, we conducted a formal mediation analysis to estimate the proportion mediated by depression. RESULTS: There was a cumulative relationship between experiences of social adversity and support for VR (ß = 1.52; 95% CI: 1.32, 1.72). COVID-related discrimination and cyberbullying victimization were independently associated with stronger support for VR. Depression partially mediated the effect of cumulative social adversity, COVID-related discrimination and cyberbullying on support for VR. CONCLUSION: Prevention programs during the present pandemic should prioritize decreasing discrimination and providing psychosocial support to depressed young adults who experience social adversity. Practitioners should prioritize developing programs that foster digital literacy skills and critical thinking among young adults to address the concerning impact of cyberbullying on support for VR.

Unfairness and Radicalization.

This article reviews the relationship between people's perceptions of unfairness and their tendencies to think, feel, and act in radicalizing ways. Various theories of radicalization processes are reviewed that examine key aspects of the psychology of perceived unfairness. The review shows that experienced group deprivation and perceived immorality are among the core judgments that can drive Muslim radicalization, right-wing radicalization, and left-wing radicalization. Symbols of injustice, the legitimization of revolutionary thought, and the experience of unfair treatment can also increase radicalization. The review also examines core moderators (e.g., uncertainty and insufficient self-correction) and mediators (e.g., externally oriented emotions) of the linkage between perceived unfairness and core components of radicalization (e.g., rigidity of thoughts, hot-cognitive defense of cultural worldviews, and violent rejection of democratic principles and the rule of law). The review discusses how the study of unfairness and radicalization contributes to a robust and meaningful science of psychology.

The role of vulnerable environments in support for homegrown terrorism: Fieldwork using the 3N model.

The 3N model of radicalization proposes that violent radicalization is the result of the contribution of needs, networks, and narratives. Although research has mainly been supportive of this perspective, a substantial amount of ground remains uncovered regarding the network component of the model. Within this framework, we examine why individuals living in certain social environments tend to harbor more positive attitudes toward homegrown terrorism than others. Building on prior research, we hypothesized that individuals living in social environments known to be vulnerable (vs. less vulnerable) are more likely to experience a sense of significance loss (i.e., lack of social integration, perceived conflicts between religious groups), find solace in religious social networks (i.e., mosques), and thus adhere to radical narratives (i.e., legitimization of terrorism). A study with 365 young Muslims from different cities in Spain (Almería, Barcelona, Ceuta, and Melilla)supported these predictions. Theoretical and practical implications for the study of violent extremism are discussed.

Undocumented immigration and terrorism: Is there a connection?

Unauthorized immigration, already a divisive and controversial subject in American society, was reframed as a grave national security threat after the terrorist attacks on Sept. 11, 2001. Yet, despite substantial public, political and policy attention to the issue of undocumented immigration and terrorism, there has been relatively little empirical assessment of the relationship between unauthorized immigration flows and terrorist activity. We attempt to fill this gap by combining newly developed estimates of the unauthorized population, a novel use of sentencing and prosecutorial data to measure terrorism-related activity, and multiple data sources on the criminological, socioeconomic, and demographic context from all 50 states from 1990 to 2014. We then leverage this unique dataset to examine the longitudinal, macro-level relationship between undocumented immigration and various measures of terrorism. Results from fixed effects negative binomial models suggest that increased undocumented immigration over this period is not associated with terrorist attacks, radicalization, or terrorism prosecutions.

The radical ambitions of counter-radicalization.

The "Trojan Horse" scandal laid bare an anxiety at the heart of the British security establishment; an anxiety that brings together questions of identity, values, and security within the demand to manage radicalization. It is an anxiety that, I will argue, reveals a novel conceptualization of threat that has driven the UK's security and communities policies within the "war on terror." This conceptualization emerges within Prevent, the UK's counter-radicalization strategy. Yet, I argue, the extensive literature on Prevent has failed to adequately articulate this underlying, core logic. To date, the Prevent literature has effectively demonstrated the ways in which Muslim communities in the United Kingdom have been policed through British counter-radicalization policy. Yet, this analysis struggles to explain the expansion of Prevent into a wider range of "extremist" spaces. In this article, I contend that it is more useful to situate Prevent as a particular conception of power; a logic and an analysis of threat that demands new forms of government intervention. To do so, this article provides a genealogical reading of Prevent, locating it as a radical extension of state security ambitions to intervene early, making explicit a vision of security in which life as a process of becoming is produced as an object of management. The paper draws out the ramifications of this analysis to think through fundamental shifts in the principles and practices of contemporary security aspirations.

The moral compass and life skills in navigating radicalization processes: Examining the interplay among life skills, moral disengagement, and extremism.

The present study investigated the interplay among deficient life skills, moral disengagement, and extremist attitude across two national contexts. Using a sample of young students in high school or college (N = 686), the present study found significant indirect effects between deficient life skills (agency and structure) and various aspects of an extremist mindset through moral disengagement. These findings suggest that these two psychological concepts of life skills and moral disengagement are relevant for understanding and countering violent radicalization processes; that is to say that morality can direct the life skills toward either violent extremism or nonviolent, legal civil participation. Furthermore, the development and empowerment of life skills could enhance individual resilience to morally disengaging narratives and radicalized ideologies.

British terrorism preemption: Subjectivity and disjuncture in Channel "de-radicalization" interventions.

This article examines Channel "de-radicalization" interventions, which take place on individuals suspected of having the potential to commit terrorist crimes. Situated within critical security studies, the article explores the British Prevent programme by utilizing primary interviews with hard-to-reach Channel mentors and senior Prevent officials. Following the work of anticipatory risk-governance scholarship, this research illuminates the three processes of risk-visibilization (how an individual becomes sufficiently "seen" as harbouring risk that they are offered Channel mentorship), risk-calculation (how practitioners negotiate supposed riskiness), and risk-knowing (how practitioners "know" risks they observe). It demonstrates how the practice of preemptive counter-terrorism is subsumed inherently by-even relies upon-subjectivity and human prejudice, and fundamental disagreements between practitioners. Through substantial empirical contribution on the phenomenon of Channel interventions, the discussion highlights ultimately that the algorithmic rationale of preemptive risk-spotting normalizes the suspicion of banal and everyday behaviors, precisely because such interventions are ultimately deployed through worst-case imaginations.

Passion and moral disengagement: Different pathways to political activism.

OBJECTIVE: Four studies examined the relationship between motivational imbalance-the degree to which a goal dominates other goals-and political activism. METHOD: Based on the dualistic model of passion (Vallerand, 2015) and recent theorizing on violent extremism (Kruglanski, Jasko, Chernikova, Dugas, & Webber, 2017), we predicted that obsessive passion (OP), which facilitates alternative goal suppression, would increase support for violent political behaviors. In contrast, we predicted that harmonious passion (HP), which facilitates the integration of multiple goal pursuits, would increase support for peaceful political behaviors. RESULTS: Study 1a demonstrated that OP for environmentalism was positively associated with moral disengagement, which in turn predicted violent behaviors. HP was positively associated with peaceful behaviors. Political activism among Democrats yielded similar findings in Study 1b. Study 2 replicated Studies 1a-1b using an implicit measure of moral disengagement. Study 3 replicated Studies 1-2 by demonstrating that experimentally inducing a harmonious (vs. obsessive) passion mindset indirectly reduced violent behaviors through the attenuation of moral disengagement while directly promoting peaceful behaviors. Study 4 conceptually replicated Studies 1-3 by experimentally manipulating moral disengagement. CONCLUSIONS: These results offer insights into the workings of radicalization and suggest theory-driven methods of reducing political violence.

Terrorist threat, dehumanization, and right-wing authoritarianism as predictors of discrimination.

This study analyzed the relationship between terrorist threat and discrimination, operationalized by support for retributive justice against Islamic groups suspect of terrorist crimes. Two experimental studies were performed. Study 1 (N = 215) showed that the terrorist threat against the ingroup raises the support for the retributive procedures through the dehumanization of the outgroup. Study 2 (N = 304) analyzed how the mediating role of dehumanization in the relationship between terrorist threat and support for retributive justice is moderated by right-wing authoritarianism (RWA). In addition, the study aimed to verify if the dehumanization of outgroup and RWA could explain the relationship between terrorist threat and discrimination of Muslim immigrants. The results indicated that adherence to RWA favors dehumanization of the outgroup and, consecutively, the discrimination, operationalized as support for the use of retributive justice. The adherence to RWA has been identified as the mechanism that explains the discrimination against Muslim immigrants.

Capturing violent radicalization: Developing and validating scales measuring central aspects of radicalization.

Violent radicalization has emerged as an important topic of theoretical and empirical investigation motivated by the devastating face of terrorism and by the aim of preventing such expressions of extremism. One central aspect of such research inquiries is the foundation of solid measurement. In this article, we develop and validate two generic scales pertaining to (1) endorsement of extremism and (2) acceptance of violent and/or illegal means. In conclusion, the scales yielded sound psychometric properties and cross-cultural equivalence, providing a solid measure of the important aspects of extremism which can be empirically employed in elucidating generic mechanisms of violent radicalization processes.

The police, social services, and psychiatry (PSP) cooperation as a platform for dealing with concerns of radicalization.

The police, social services, and psychiatry (PSP) is a structured cooperation between the police, social services, and the psychiatric system in Denmark. The aim of PSP is to ensure that relevant information is shared and supportive measures enhanced concerning citizens at risk, and it involves PSP representatives from each sector meeting frequently. PSP is implemented nationwide by law. In recent years, dealing with radicalization and the threat of terrorism have become key issues in society. The PSP cooperation already facilitates the identification of citizens at many kinds of risk (e.g. suicide, substance abuse, social decline, mental illness), and coordinates relevant intervention and treatment. The existing PSP cooperation is, therefore, an obvious forum for identifying and handling concerns of radicalization and extremism. The new working model includes an upgrade of all local PSP groups and an implementation of a nationwide evaluation of the initiative. This is a presentation of the working model and the experiences in practice.

Migration, violence, and the role of psychiatry in Italy.

Immigration to Italy has been increasing exponentially in the last decades due to the international political changes and conflicts in the Middle East. The relationship between immigration and crimes is a debated issue, and violent radicalization of second or third generations of migrants is under increased scrutiny. Consequently, many politicians and political parties use nationalist and xenophobic language. Inevitably, this will have an impact on reactions of the larger population, as well as that of migrants. Psychiatry can have a major role in dealing with immigrants' health needs, and also assessing risk and preventing violent behaviours due to mental disorders. It is possible to prevent some radicalization by employing strategies of education, leading to better integration of immigrants in the community (based on education, housing, work, etc.). However, often specialist services for migrants are lacking, and mental healthcare professionals may remain poorly trained. Italy is one of the major countries in Southern Europe with a large number of illegal and legal migrants; thereby, creating a major pressure on the resources. It is important to understand the links between globalization, migration, and violence in Italy, in order to prevent future radicalization. It is also useful for psychiatrists to act as advocates for migrants to help reduce xenophobia and discrimination supported by some national cultural and political movements. Ethno-psychiatric facilities should be promoted, as well as policies of support, integration, and prevention should be employed to promote legal migration through the European countries.

The reception of broadcast terrorism: recruitment and radicalisation.

The declaration of a caliphate by Islamic State in June 2014 witnessed the recruitment of increasing numbers of foreign terrorist fighters drawn from a diverse range of nations across the globe. This paper seeks to explore the appeal of extreme groups and how recruiters persuade young people to risk either their lives or lengthy terms of imprisonment. The processes of radicalization and recruitment are differentiated and compared with conventional means of encouraging individuals to enlist in state-sanctioned armed forces. The reasons why people join terrorist organizations are influenced by their education, formative experiences, and social or familial connections, whilst these variables, in turn, have an impact on the roles that they then undertake. Whether personality traits explain an over-representation of engineers and doctors amongst leaders of particular extremist groups remains a moot question. The increasing use of the internet and social media as instruments to propagate extremist philosophies may, in part, be responsible for the recent rise in sole actors. The need to involve respected and influential Muslim leaders and organizations is crucial in providing a counter-balance to the message of righteous adventure and belonging promoted by Islamic State.

[Returning or turning to religious figures in social work?]. / Retour ou recours au religieux dans le travail social ?

The social workers tell to be more and more often exposed to the religious reference table of the people they help and confronted to internal conflicts in the teams when it is a question of delimiting the borders of the religious freedom of expression in a laic frame. Besides they observe processes of affiliations-reaffiliations which pass by unchecked uses of religious practices, in particular when it concerns muslims people, which tends to become among young people of popular districts, and more marginally among the middle-class teenagers, in search of a reassuring orthopraxie, the support of a militant action for a project of new value identities disqualified or assigned, at risk of falling over to the communitarianism or the radicalization.

The Behavioral Inhibition System and Engagement With, and Influence By, COVID-19 and Election-Based Misinformation.

The negative impact of misinformation on public discourse and public safety is increasingly a focus of attention. From the COVID-19 pandemic to national elections, exposure to misinformation has been linked to conflicting perceptions of social, economic, and political issues, which has been found to lead to polarization, radicalization, and acts of violence at the individual and group level. While a large body of research has emerged examining the development and spread of misinformation, little has been done to examine the human processes of being exposed to, and influenced by, misinformation material online. This article uses reinforcement sensitivity theory to examine the effect of individual differences in the Behavioral Inhibition System (BIS) on the behavioral and cognitive intentions to engage in violence after exposure to misinformation online. Using an online panel sample (Mechanical Turk), and a behavioral study that involved exposure to, and interaction with, misinformation, this study found that trait BIS score impacted how much individuals engaged with misinformation, as well as their ensuing activism and radicalism toward the narratives that were depicted. This study identified that engagement with misinformation impacted intentions for activism and radicalism, as did trait BIS. However, these effects were present for both misinformation and correct information conditions. These findings highlight the importance of BIS-related processes and raise important questions about the degree to which we need to think about online influence as a general process versus specific processes that directly relate to the effect of misinformation.