The fallacies in arguing that current high unemployment in Spain (27%) is a consequence of supposed labor market rigidities.

This article refutes the argument that high unemployment in Spain is due to labor market rigidities, questioning the premises on which this theory is based. It then goes on to explain how those advancing this argument are the very same forces responsible for the macroeconomic decisions that are currently causing unemployment.

Do unions contribute to creative destruction?

We apply a shift-share approach and historical unionisation data from 1918 to study the impact of regional unionisation changes in Norway on regional wage and productivity growth, job-creation and -destruction and social security uptake during the period 2003-2012. As unionisation increases, wages grow. Lay-offs through plant closures and shrinking workplaces increase, causing higher retirement rates, while job creation, plant entry and other social security uptakes are unaffected. Productivity grows, partly by enhanced productivity among surviving and new firms and partly by less productive firms forced to close due to increased labour costs. Thus, unions promote creative destruction.

The view from the cotton: reconsidering the Southern Tenant Farmers' Union.

Having been evicted from their homes because of incentives created by the New Deal's AGricultural ADjustment Act, sharecroppers in Arkansas formed the biracial Southern Tenant Farmers' Union (STFU) in 1934. Led by socialists and radicals, the organization ultimately claimed upward of thirty thousand members and constituted an assault on the social, economic, and racial status quo of the South. Historians have celebrated the STFU, especially its commitment to biracial cooperation and equality. This article digs beneath this carefully constructed image of the union to scrutinize the internal dynamics of the movement. It revises a number of interpretations surrounding the STFU. Although the greatest obstacles to the union's success were external, it also faced internal divisions that diminished its efficacy. The STFU's decentralized structure did not foster strong connections between leadership and membership, resulting in misunderstandings. But most importantly, the union struggled to live up to its creed of biracialism and equal treatment of African Americans. Ultimately, the STFU was less an aberration that tirelessly confronted the social and racial ills of the South and more an organization that reflected some of those ills even as it grappled with them.

Hazard Pay for COVID-19? Yes, But It's Not a Substitute for a Living Wage and Enforceable Worker Protections.

The COVID-19 pandemic is exposing critical failures in public and occupational health in the United States. So-called hazard pay for essential workers is a necessary but insufficient response to the lack of workplace protections. The roots of these failures in the weakening of the Occupational Safety and Health Administration enforcement and pandemic preparedness and the dramatic shifts in the economy and labor market in recent decades are explored along with the history of hazard pay. The current prominence of COVID-19-related workplace hazards, and the mobilization by both nonunion and union workers experiencing them, presents opportunities amid the crisis and tragic losses to envision a revival of worker protection measures. Strategies are needed for organizing and legislative advocacy to address the disparate impact of both normal and crisis conditions on low-wage workers, especially women and workers of color.

Right-to-Work-for-Less: How Janus v. AFSCME Threatens Public Health.

In February 2018, the Supreme Court heard oral arguments in Janus v. AFSCME, a case poised to make right-to-work (or, as some call it, right-to-work-for-less) the law in the public sector. At issue is the constitutionality of requiring non-union members, who benefit from collective bargaining, to pay fees that support contract negotiations on the terms and conditions of their employment. We argue that a win for Janus would threaten public health by eroding organized labor's power to improve working conditions. Furthermore, we critique the dubious legal theory underpinning Janus's case and describe the moneyed political interests backing his legal representation. Finally, we chart a path forward for labor organizing in a post- Janus world, drawing inspiration from the winter 2018 educators' strike in West Virginia. Regardless of how Janus itself is decided, the issues raised in this article remain crucial because the ongoing weakening of unions by legislative and judicial means undermines workers' health and exacerbates inequities.

Recent trends in ILO conventions related to occupational safety and health.

The present study was conducted to analyze the ratification status of International Labour Organization (ILO) conventions related to occupational safety and health (OSH) by ILO member states in terms of national indicators (length of ILO membership and national income status) and regional affiliation. 17 conventions designated as OSH-related by the 2003 International Labour Conference were examined. In general, countries with longer ILO membership ratified higher numbers of conventions related to OSH. With some variation, long-membership countries had the largest number of ratifications, followed by middle- and short-membership countries in all regions. There were also incremental increases in the number of ratifications for OSH-related conventions according to the national income status. Common regional characteristics that could not be explained by the factors studied also existed. Future efforts to increase ratification at an international level will need to consider the factors influencing ratification practice among the member states.

The new union strategy. Turning the community against you.

They're called corporate campaigns, and unlike traditional union organizing efforts, their aim is to tarnish a hospital's relationship with its community by questioning its mission, tax-exempt status and quality of care. The campaigns can be brutal and relentless, and as hospital executives from Connecticut to California will attest, they can even get personal.

Medicines, monopolies and mortars: the chemical laboratory and pharmaceutical trade at the Society of Apothecaries in the eighteenth century.

In 1672, a laboratory was founded by the Society of Apothecaries at its premises in Blackfriars, London, to manufacture chemical medicines. By exploring the society's motivations for constructing a laboratory and its development during the eighteenth century, this paper examines the roles that chemistry played within the activities of the institution. While the chemistry's primary utility was in drug manufacturing for the society's pharmaceutical trade, through its laboratory, the society used chemistry to develop its corporate and educational aims, thus helping to secure its institutional authority in London's medical marketplace.