Similar cranial trauma prevalence among Neanderthals and Upper Palaeolithic modern humans.

Neanderthals are commonly depicted as leading dangerous lives and permanently struggling for survival. This view largely relies on the high incidences of trauma that have been reported1,2 and have variously been attributed to violent social behaviour3,4, highly mobile hunter-gatherer lifestyles2 or attacks by carnivores5. The described Neanderthal pattern of predominantly cranial injuries is further thought to reflect violent encounters with large prey mammals, resulting from the use of close-range hunting weapons1. These interpretations directly shape our understanding of Neanderthal lifestyles, health and hunting abilities, yet mainly rest on descriptive, case-based evidence. Quantitative, population-level studies of traumatic injuries are rare. Here we reassess the hypothesis of higher cranial trauma prevalence among Neanderthals using a population-level approach-accounting for preservation bias and other contextual data-and an exhaustive fossil database. We show that Neanderthals and early Upper Palaeolithic anatomically modern humans exhibit similar overall incidences of cranial trauma, which are higher for males in both taxa, consistent with patterns shown by later populations of modern humans. Beyond these similarities, we observed species-specific, age-related variation in trauma prevalence, suggesting that there were differences in the timing of injuries during life or that there was a differential mortality risk of trauma survivors in the two groups. Finally, our results highlight the importance of preservation bias in studies of trauma prevalence.

Prisoner, Sailor, Soldier, Spy: Hobbes on Coercion and Consent.

This article examines Thomas Hobbes's notorious claim that "fear and liberty are consistent" and therefore that agreements coerced by threat of violence are binding. This view is to a surprising extent inherited from Aristotle, but its political implications became especially striking in the wake of the English Civil War, and Hobbes recast his theory in far-reaching ways between his early works and Leviathan to accommodate it. I argue that Hobbes's account of coercion is both philosophically safe from the most common objections to it and politically superior to the seemingly commonsensical alternatives that we have inherited from Hobbes's critics.

Inter-group violence among early Holocene hunter-gatherers of West Turkana, Kenya.

The nature of inter-group relations among prehistoric hunter-gatherers remains disputed, with arguments in favour and against the existence of warfare before the development of sedentary societies. Here we report on a case of inter-group violence towards a group of hunter-gatherers from Nataruk, west of Lake Turkana, which during the late Pleistocene/early Holocene period extended about 30 km beyond its present-day shore. Ten of the twelve articulated skeletons found at Nataruk show evidence of having died violently at the edge of a lagoon, into which some of the bodies fell. The remains from Nataruk are unique, preserved by the particular conditions of the lagoon with no evidence of deliberate burial. They offer a rare glimpse into the life and death of past foraging people, and evidence that warfare was part of the repertoire of inter-group relations among prehistoric hunter-gatherers.

The phylogenetic roots of human lethal violence.

The psychological, sociological and evolutionary roots of conspecific violence in humans are still debated, despite attracting the attention of intellectuals for over two millennia. Here we propose a conceptual approach towards understanding these roots based on the assumption that aggression in mammals, including humans, has a significant phylogenetic component. By compiling sources of mortality from a comprehensive sample of mammals, we assessed the percentage of deaths due to conspecifics and, using phylogenetic comparative tools, predicted this value for humans. The proportion of human deaths phylogenetically predicted to be caused by interpersonal violence stood at 2%. This value was similar to the one phylogenetically inferred for the evolutionary ancestor of primates and apes, indicating that a certain level of lethal violence arises owing to our position within the phylogeny of mammals. It was also similar to the percentage seen in prehistoric bands and tribes, indicating that we were as lethally violent then as common mammalian evolutionary history would predict. However, the level of lethal violence has changed through human history and can be associated with changes in the socio-political organization of human populations. Our study provides a detailed phylogenetic and historical context against which to compare levels of lethal violence observed throughout our history.

Unraveling ancestry, kinship, and violence in a Late Neolithic mass grave.

The third millennium BCE was a period of major cultural and demographic changes in Europe that signaled the beginning of the Bronze Age. People from the Pontic steppe expanded westward, leading to the formation of the Corded Ware complex and transforming the genetic landscape of Europe. At the time, the Globular Amphora culture (3300-2700 BCE) existed over large parts of Central and Eastern Europe, but little is known about their interaction with neighboring Corded Ware groups and steppe societies. Here we present a detailed study of a Late Neolithic mass grave from southern Poland belonging to the Globular Amphora culture and containing the remains of 15 men, women, and children, all killed by blows to the head. We sequenced their genomes to between 1.1- and 3.9-fold coverage and performed kinship analyses that demonstrate that the individuals belonged to a large extended family. The bodies had been carefully laid out according to kin relationships by someone who evidently knew the deceased. From a population genetic viewpoint, the people from Koszyce are clearly distinct from neighboring Corded Ware groups because of their lack of steppe-related ancestry. Although the reason for the massacre is unknown, it is possible that it was connected with the expansion of Corded Ware groups, which may have resulted in competition for resources and violent conflict. Together with the archaeological evidence, these analyses provide an unprecedented level of insight into the kinship structure and social behavior of a Late Neolithic community.

Troubles in Tuva: Patterns of perimortem trauma in a nomadic community from Southern Siberia (second to fourth c. CE).

OBJECTIVES: Warfare is assumed to be one of the defining cultural characteristics of steppe nomads in Eastern Eurasia. For the first-centuries CE, a period of political turmoil in Northern China and Southern Siberia, relatively few data are, however, available about the degree and variability of violence in these communities. Here, we provide new data on violence among steppe nomads during the first-centuries CE by analyzing the type, anatomical distribution, and demographic distribution of perimortem trauma at Tunnug1 (Tuva, Southern Siberia-second to fourth c. CE). MATERIALS AND METHODS: Perimortem traumas were assessed on 87 individuals representing both sexes and different age classes. The timing of the lesions was assessed based on morphological criteria, including the absence and presence of bone reactive processes and the relative plasticity of the bone at the moment of impact. The distribution by age, sex, and anatomical location of trauma was analyzed by means of logistic models, Fisher's exact tests, and 3D visualizations. RESULTS: A total of 130 perimortem traumas, including chop marks, slice marks, penetrating lesions, and blunt traumas were identified on 22 individuals. Chop marks were mostly at the level of the skull and vertebrae and were likely caused by bladed weapons. Slice marks were found on the cervical vertebrae and cranium and may be the result of throat slitting and scalping by means of smaller bladed implements. Traumas were more frequent in males, and their presence is not correlated with age. DISCUSSION: This study adds new data to the few available regarding violence among steppe nomadic cultures and provides new insights about the effects of political instability on the life of the people inhabiting Eastern Eurasia during the early centuries CE.

The character of conflict: A bioarchaeological study of violence in the Nasca highlands of Peru during the Late Intermediate Period (950-1450 C.E.).

OBJECTIVES: This study uses osteological and radiocarbon datasets combined with formal quantitative analyses to test hypotheses concerning the character of conflict in the Nasca highlands during the Late Intermediate Period (LIP, 950-1450 C.E.). We develop and test osteological expectations regarding what patterns should be observed if violence was characterized by intragroup violence, ritual conflict, intermittent raiding, or internecine warfare. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Crania (n = 267) were examined for antemortem and perimortem, overkill, and critical trauma. All age groups and both sexes are represented in the sample. One hundred twenty-four crania were AMS dated, allowing a detailed analysis of diachronic patterns in violence among various demographic groups. RESULTS: Thirty-eight percent (102/267) of crania exhibit some form of cranial trauma, a significant increase from the preceding Middle Horizon era. There are distinct trauma frequencies within the three subphases of the LIP, but Phase III (1300-1450 C.E.) exhibits the highest frequencies of all trauma types. Males exhibit significantly more antemortem trauma than females, but both exhibit similar perimortem trauma rates. DISCUSSION: There was chronic, internecine warfare throughout the Late Intermediate Period with important variations in violence throughout the three temporal phases. Evidence for heterogeneity in violent mortality shows a pattern consistent with social substitutability, whereby any and all members of the Nasca highland population were appropriate targets for lethal and sublethal violence. We argue that by testing hypotheses regarding the targets and types of conflict we are better able to explain the causes and consequences of human conflict.

Violence in the first millennium BCE Eurasian steppe: Cranial trauma in three Turpan Basin populations from Xinjiang, China.

OBJECTIVES: Violence affected daily life in prehistoric societies, especially at conflict zones where different peoples fought over resources and for other reasons. In this study, cranial trauma was analyzed to discuss the pattern of violence experienced by three Bronze to early Iron Age populations (1,000-100 BCE) that belonged to the Subeixi culture. These populations lived in the Turpan Basin, a conflict zone in the middle of the Eurasian Steppe. METHODS: The injuries on 129 complete crania unearthed from the Subeixi cemeteries were examined for crude prevalence rate (CPR), trauma type, time of occurrence, possible weapon, and direction of the blow. Thirty-three injuries identified from poorly preserved crania were also included in the analyses except for the CPR. Data was also compared between the samples and with four other populations that had violence-related backgrounds. RESULTS: Overall, 16.3% (21/129) of the individuals showed violence-induced traumatic lesions. Results also indicated that most of the injuries were perimortem (81.6%), and that women and children were more involved in conflict than the other comparative populations. Wounds from weapons accounted for 42.1% of the identified cranial injuries. Distribution analysis suggested no dominant handedness of the attackers, and that blows came from all directions including the top (17.1%). Wounds caused by arrowheads and a special type of battle-ax popular in middle and eastern Eurasian Steppe were also recognized. DISCUSSION: A comprehensive analysis of the skeletal evidence, historical records, and archeological background would suggest that the raiding to be the most possible conflict pattern reflected by the samples. The attackers were likely to have been nomadic invaders from the steppe (such as the Xiongnu from historical records), who attacked the residents in the basin more likely for their resources rather than territory or labor force.

Endemic violence in a pre-Hispanic Andean community: A bioarchaeological study of cranial trauma from the Majes Valley, Peru.

OBJECTIVES: This study examines violence-related cranial trauma frequencies and wound characteristics in the pre-Hispanic cemetery of Uraca in the lower Majes Valley, Arequipa, Peru, dating to the pre- and early-Wari periods (200-750 CE). Cranial wounds are compared between status and sex-based subgroups to understand how violence shaped, and was shaped by, these aspects of identity, and to reconstruct the social contexts of violence carried out by and against Uracans. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Presence, location, and characteristics (lethality, penetration, and post-traumatic sequelae) of antemortem and perimortem cranial fractures are documented for 145 crania and compared between subgroups. Cranial wounds are mapped in ArcGIS and the locational distribution of injuries is compared between male and female crania. RESULTS: Middle adult males were disproportionately interred at Uraca, particularly in the elite Sector I. The Uraca mortuary population presents the highest rate of cranial trauma reported for pre-Hispanic Peru: 67% of adults present trauma, and among those, 61.1% present more than one cranial injury. Males exhibit significantly more cranial trauma than females and present a higher mean number of injuries per person. Elite males show the highest mean number of injuries per person, more antemortem injuries, and are the only ones with perimortem cranial trauma, bladed injuries, penetrating injuries, and post-traumatic sequelae. Both sexes were most frequently injured on the anterior of the cranium, while the proportion of posterior injuries was higher for females. DISCUSSION: The rate, intensity, and locational patterns of cranial trauma suggests the community was engaged in raids and/or war with enemy groups, some of which may have increased physical violence between community members. Engaging in violence was likely a prerequisite for burial in the elite sector and was bound up with the generation and maintenance of social status differences linked to male social life.

The Eye Color Experiment: From Berlin to Auschwitz and Back.

BACKGROUND: In an effort to alter eye color during World War II, devout Nazi researcher Karin Magnussen had adrenaline eye drops administered to inmates at the concentration camp Auschwitz-Birkenau. A Sinti family, with a high prevalence of heterochromia iridis, was forced to participate in this study. Members of this family, as well as other victims, were later killed and had their eyes enucleated and sent to Magnussen for examination. Magnussen articulated the findings of these events in a manuscript that has never been published. The author is the first ophthalmologist to review this manuscript. The generation who experienced the atrocities of World War II will soon be gone and awareness of what happened during this tragic chapter of world history is fading. OBJECTIVES: To describe these events to raise awareness among future generations. METHODS: A literature review and archival search was conducted. RESULTS: Magnussen's research was based on an animal study published in 1937. For Magnussen's study, adrenaline drops were administered to inmates, including a 12-year-old girl from the Sinti family. As there was a reported case of deaf-mutism within the family, Waardenburg syndrome seems to be the most plausible explanation for this family's heritable heterochromia. CONCLUSIONS: The effort to change eye color was doomed to fail from the beginning because there was a probable diagnosis of Waardenburg syndrome. Extinction of humans for ophthalmological research is an insane act beyond imagination. For the sake of these victims, and for the generations who still feel their pain, it is imperative to tell their stories.

The Hiroshima memory complex.

The atomic bomb attack on Hiroshima on August 6, 1945 is one of the most powerful global memories. While the literature on global memories has greatly expanded in recent decades, Hiroshima remains surprisingly understudied. In addressing this lacuna, this paper develops a new theoretical prism for the study of global memories. It argues that the Hiroshima memory cannot be understood in isolation, but rather as the hub in a broader memory complex. This complex is the result of symbolic dialogues that connect Hiroshima with such different events, situations, and memories as Nanjing, Pearl Harbor, the Cold War, and so on. The paper demonstrates how these dialogues have been forged, often in the context of substantial controversy. While distinctly sociological in orientation, the paper takes its main theoretical inspiration from cultural, literary, and history scholars such as Jan and Aleida Assmann, Sebastian Conrad, Astrid Erll, Ann Rigney, Michael Rothberg, Aby Warburg and Mikhael Bakhtin.

Aggressive or funerary cannibalism? Skull-cup and human bone manipulation in Cueva de El Toro (Early Neolithic, southern Iberia).

OBJECTIVE: We analyze the processing sequence involved in the manufacture of a skull-cup and the manipulation of human bones from the Early Neolithic of Cueva de El Toro (Málaga, Spain). MATERIALS AND METHODS: The Early Neolithic material studied includes human remains found in two separate assemblages. Assemblage A consists of one skull-cup, a non-manipulated adult human mandible, and four ceramic vessels. Assemblage B contains manipulated and non-manipulated human remains that appeared mingled with domestic waste. Using a taphonomic approach, we evaluate the skull-cup processing and the anthropogenic alteration of human bones. RESULTS: The skull-cup was processed by careful paring away of skin, fragmentation of the facial skeleton and base of the skull, and controlled percussion of the edges of the calotte to achieve a regular shape. It was later boiled for some time in a container that caused pot polish in a specific area. The other human bones appeared scattered throughout the living area, mixed with other remains of domestic activity. Some of these bones show cut marks, percussion damage for marrow extraction, and tooth/chewing marks. DISCUSSION: Evidence from Cueva de El Toro suggests that cannibalism was conducted in the domestic sphere, likely following ritualized practices where the skull-cup could have played a part. Interpretation of this evidence suggests two hypotheses: (a) aggressive cannibalism relates to extreme inter-group violence; and (b) funerary cannibalism is a facet of multi-stage burial practices. Similar evidence has been found in other Neolithic sites of this region and suggests that cannibalism and skull-cups were elements widespread in these communities. These practices may be linked to significant transformations associated with the end of the Early Neolithic in southern Iberia.

The emergence of human warfare: Current perspectives.

The origins of warfare have long been of interest for researchers across disciplines. Did our earliest ancestors engage in forms of organized violence that are appropriately viewed as approximations, forms of, or analogs for more recent forms of warfare? Assessed in this article are contrasting views that see warfare as being either a product of more recent human societies or a phenomenon with a much deeper chronology. The article provides an overview of current debates, theories, and methodological approaches, citing literature and data from archaeological, ethnographic, genetic, primatological, and paleoanthropological studies. Synthetic anthropological treatments are needed, especially in efforts to inform debates among nonacademic audiences, because the discipline's approaches are ideally suited to study the origins of warfare. Emphasized is the need to consider possible forms of violence and intergroup aggression within Pleistocene contexts, despite the methodological challenges associated with fragmentary, equivocal, or scarce data. Finally, the review concludes with an argument about the implications of the currently available data. We propose that socially cooperative violence, or "emergent warfare," became possible with the onset of symbolic thought and complex cognition. Viewing emergent warfare as a byproduct of the human capacity for symbolic thought explains how the same capacities for communication and sociality allowed for elaborate peacemaking, conflict resolution, and avoidance. Cultural institutions around war and peace are both made possible by these changes. Accordingly, we suggest that studies on warfare's origins should be tied to research on the advent of cooperation, sociality, and communication.

The impact of social experiences of physical and structural violence on the growth of African enslaved children recovered from Lagos, Portugal (15th-17th centuries).

OBJECTIVES: The purpose of this article is to examine the impacts of physical and structural violence on the well-being of early modern enslaved Africans by comparing the growth of children in an archaeological sample recovered from Lagos, Portugal with that of modern children known to have lived under socially oppressive and racist political regimes. MATERIALS AND METHODS: The age of 18 individuals was estimated from the length of developing teeth. Long bone lengths for age in the enslaved African sample were compared with two black juvenile known age samples: the Raymond Dart (South Africa) and Hamann-Todd (United States) collections. Z-scores were calculated for all samples using black children in the South Africa Long Bone (SALB) database as the reference. The similarity of growth across the samples was tested and skeletal growth profiles (SGPs) were devised for the three samples. RESULTS: The children in the Lagos, Raymond Dart, and Hamann-Todd samples were all small for age compared to the SALB reference. While children in the Dart sample tended to be the smallest for age and in the Hamann-Todd the largest, with the children in the Lagos sample falling between them, the three samples did not show significant differences in growth status. DISCUSSION: The growth deficits shown in this study demonstrate the severe impacts of physical and structural violence on the lives of these children. Although uncertainty remains regarding the timing of growth insults relative to arrival, slavery in Portugal as materialized in these individuals was as violent as in other countries.

Violence in the Early Bronze Age. Diagnosis of skull lesions using anthropological, taphonomic and scanning electron microscopy techniques.

In this paper we present the study of a skull belonging to a young male from the Italian Bronze Age showing three perimortem injuries on the frontal and parietal bones; the peculiarity of the frontal injury is represented by its singular shape, which may be indicative of the weapon that caused the lesion. The aim of the present study is to examine the traumatic evidence in relation to possible etiological factors, in order to attempt to establish if the lesion occurred peri or post-mortem, and to evaluate if these traumatic injuries could be interpreted as an evidence of interpersonal violence, by combining anthropological, taphonomic and ESEM investigations. The combination of multidisciplinary methods of study can provide important new insights into inter-personal violence.

Rape of the lock: note on nineteenth-century hair fetishists.

The ostensibly bizarre crime of braid-cutting invited occasional alienist inferences from the late 1850s onwards, until it entered mid-1880s police profiles and forensic-psychiatric taxonomies as a corollary of perversion, specifically sadism and fetishism. Cases were rare, but were reported as late as the mid-1930s and enduringly cited as encompassing a staple variety of fetishism. This note briefly reconstructs entries in German, French and English forensic psychiatry, sexual psychopathology and psychoanalysis.

Violence in paradise: Cranial trauma in the prehispanic population of Gran Canaria (Canary Islands).

OBJECTIVES: This paper addresses the prevalence and pattern of physical violence in the prehispanic society of Gran Canaria and discusses its link with the social structure and insular context in which that people lived. MATERIALS AND METHODS: 347 prehispanic crania from Guayadeque Ravine (575-1415 AD) have been examined in order to determine the frequency, types, location, and timing of trauma. RESULTS: Craniofacial injuries are present in 27.4% of the crania examined. Only 2% display perimortem trauma. Most of the injuries (84.3%) correspond to depressed blunt force trauma, with an ellipsoidal or circular shape. Most of these are in the anterior aspect of the cranium. Males are significantly more affected than females. DISCUSSION: The aboriginal population of Gran Canaria show a high frequency of traumatic injuries to the skull compared to other archaeological groups. Their frequent location in the anterior aspect suggests regular face-to-face confrontations. However, the lethal injuries typically occurring in large-scale combat are scarce. Practices such as ritualized combat, mentioned in ethnohistorical sources, would help to channel and mitigate inter-group conflict. The predominance of depressed blunt force trauma is in accordance with the weapons used by those populations: hand-thrown stones, clubs and sticks. The higher frequency in males indicates that they took part in direct violence more than females did. The hierarchical organization of their society may have led to frequent situations of conflict. The insular nature of a territory barely 1,500 m2 in size was a determining factor in competition for access to food resources, especially at times of climate crises or population growth.

Civil conflicts are associated with the global climate.

It has been proposed that changes in global climate have been responsible for episodes of widespread violence and even the collapse of civilizations. Yet previous studies have not shown that violence can be attributed to the global climate, only that random weather events might be correlated with conflict in some cases. Here we directly associate planetary-scale climate changes with global patterns of civil conflict by examining the dominant interannual mode of the modern climate, the El Niño/Southern Oscillation (ENSO). Historians have argued that ENSO may have driven global patterns of civil conflict in the distant past, a hypothesis that we extend to the modern era and test quantitatively. Using data from 1950 to 2004, we show that the probability of new civil conflicts arising throughout the tropics doubles during El Niño years relative to La Niña years. This result, which indicates that ENSO may have had a role in 21% of all civil conflicts since 1950, is the first demonstration that the stability of modern societies relates strongly to the global climate.

Patterns and prevalence of violence-related skull trauma in medieval London.

OBJECTIVES: This study aims to identify the patterns and prevalence of violence-related skull trauma (including the cranium and mandible) among a large sample of skeletons from medieval London (1050-1550 AD). MATERIALS AND METHODS: In total, data from 399 skulls, representing six different sites from across medieval London, were analyzed for evidence of trauma and assessed for the likelihood that it was caused by violence. The sites include the three parish cemeteries of St Nicholas Shambles (GPO75), St Lawrence Jewry (GYE92), and St Benet Sherehog (ONE94); the two monastic houses of London Blackfriars (PIC87) and St Mary Graces (MIN86); and the early inmate cemetery from the medieval hospital of St Mary Spital (NRT85). RESULTS: The overall findings suggest that violence affected all aspects of medieval London society, but how that violence was characterized largely depended on sex and burial location. Specifically, males from the lay cemeteries appear to have been the demographic most affected by violence-related skull injuries, particularly blunt force trauma to the cranial vault. DISCUSSION: Using both archaeological and historical evidence, the results suggest that violence in medieval London may have been more prevalent than in other parts of medieval England, particularly rural environments, but similar to other parts of medieval Europe. However, more studies focusing on medieval trauma, and violence specifically, need to be carried out to further strengthen these results. In particular, males from the lay cemeteries were disproportionately affected by violence-related trauma, especially blunt force trauma. It perhaps indicates a means of informal conflict resolution as those of lower status did not always have the newly established medieval legal system available to them.