A Critical Understanding of Inclusion in Oral Microbiome Research through the Lens of Racial Capitalism.

There are important calls for greater inclusion of Indigenous and racialised communities in oral microbiome research. This paper uses the concept of racial capitalism (the extractive continuity of colonialism) to critically examine this inclusion agenda. Racial capitalism explicitly links capitalist exploitations with wider social oppressions e.g., racisms, sexism, ableism. It is not confined to the commercial sector but pervades white institutions, including universities. By using the lens of racial capitalism, we find inclusion agendas allow white institutions to extract social and economic value from relations of race. Racially inclusive research is perceived as a social good, therefore, it attracts funding. Knowledge and treatments developed from research create immense value for universities and pharmaceutical companies with limited benefits for the communities themselves. Moreover, microbiome research tends to drift from conceptualisations that recognise it as something that is shaped by the social, including racisms, to one that is determined genetically and biologically. This location of problems within racialised bodies reinforces racial oppressions and allows companies to further profit from raciality. Inclusion in oral microbiome research must consider ways to mitigate racial capitalism. Researchers can be less extractive by using an anti-racism praxis framework. This includes working with communities to co-design studies, create safer spaces, giving marginalised communities the power to set and frame agendas, sharing research knowledges and treatments through accessible knowledge distributions, open publications, and open health technologies. Most importantly, inclusion agendas must not displace ambitions of the deeper anti-oppression social reforms needed to tackle health inequalities and create meaningful inclusion.

The everyday phenomenology of bedside insight: Response to Paley's critique of phenomenological research in nursing.

The quality of phenomenological research in nursing has been a subject of long-standing debate and critique, but conversation took a particularly contentious turn following publication of John Paley's 2017 Phenomenology as Qualitative Research (Routledge), which elicited strong reactions. Faculty in nursing doctoral programs now face a challenge: in light of current controversies, what can we teach that is appropriately labeled phenomenological, and is there a way to present philosophical concepts that might equip students to avoid the most egregious mistakes of the past? In this article, I suggest that ordinary clinical nursing practice is an inherently phenomenological enterprise, and creative bedside insights belong at the center of our teaching, as they embody an everyday phenomenology which exemplifies core elements of the phenomenological method. Instead of following ever-more-precisely elaborated instructional manuals, I propose, our students should begin their studies of phenomenology by returning attention to the way creative insight emerges during routine care. Bedside insights have been rendered invisible by our discipline's valuing of technical proceduralism over artistry in research and by the turn to evidence-based practice in clinical work, but they are a valuable pathway to learning and should be part of our response to the current crisis.

Infant mortality and social causality: Lessons from the history of Britain's public health movement, c. 1834-1914.

What are the historical conditions under which a sociologically informed understanding of health inequality can emerge in the public sphere? We seek to address this question through the lens of a strategically chosen historical puzzle-the stubborn persistence of and salient variation in high infant mortality rates across British industrial towns at the dawn of the previous century-as analysed by Arthur Newsholme, the Medical Officer of the Local Government Board. In doing so, we retrace the historical processes through which the evolving public health movement gradually helped crystallise a scientific understanding of the social causes of excess mortality. We map the dominant ideology of the public sphere at the time, chart the shifting roles of the state, and retrace the historical origins and emergence of 'public health' as a distinctive category of state policy and public discourse. We situate the public health movement in this historical configuration and identify the cracks in the existing ideological and administrative edifice through which this movement was able to articulate a novel approach to population health-one that spotlights the political economy of social inequality. We relate this historical sequence to the rise of industrial capitalism, the social fractures that it spawned, and the organised counter-movements that it necessitated.

Building Back Better: Going Big with Emancipatory Sciences.

This commentary argues that precarity and inequity across the life course and aging has accelerated via the COVID-19 pandemic. President Biden's vaccination efforts, $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan Act, and Build Back Better framework reflect a paradigm shift to restore faith and trust in government that boldly confronts entrenched austerity ideologues. We offer emancipatory sciences as a conceptual framework to analyze and promote social structural change and epic theory development. Emancipatory sciences aim to advance knowledge and the realization of dignity, access, equity, respect, healing, social justice, and social change through individual and collective agency and social institutions. Epic theory development moves beyond isolated incidents as single events and, instead, grasps and advances theory through attempts to change the world itself by demanding attention to inequality, power, and action. Gerontology with an emancipatory science lens offers a framework and vocabulary to understand the individual and collective consequences of the institutional and policy forces that shape aging and generations within and across the life course. It locates an ethical and moral philosophy engaged in the Biden Administration's approach, which proposes redistributing - from bottom-up - material and symbolic resources via family, public, community, and environmental benefits.

Private equity firms and industrial policy: elaborating the state-finance nexus in state-led markets.

Under what conditions can the state discipline private equity firms into delivering the investment required to meet the coming needs of industrial transformation? States have sought to crowd in private capital to finance industrial development, but the results have so far been less than satisfactory. Prevailing accounts of financial industry power largely characterise an arms-length state-finance relationship that has unfolded in private-led markets where private equity firms have contributed to the secular growth in non-productive economic activity. This article problematises the assumption of private-led markets and argues that state-led markets present a counterfactual in which the disbursement of public money entails strict policy discipline and tight embedding between the state and private equity firms, which provides the conditions for them to emerge as unlikely champions of industrial policy. Two cases of co-investment between Chinese and European sovereign wealth funds demonstrate the power dynamics at play. Where PE firms in the Sino-Irish co-investment facilitated the international scaling of Irish firms in China, the PE firms operating in Europe failed to embed Chinese firms into regional supply chains in the Sino-Belgian co-investment.

"When there is no money, that is when I vomit blood": the domino effect and the unfettered lethal exploitation of Black labor on Dominican sugar plantations.

BACKGROUND: In this article, I utilize the concept of the Plantationocene as an analytical framework to generate a holistic and historical understanding of the present-day struggles of a mostly Haitian migrant workforce on sugar plantations in the Dominican Republic. METHODS: Inspired by Paul Farmer's methodology, I combine political economy, history, and ethnography approaches to interpret the experiences of sugarcane cutters across historical and contemporary iterations of colonial, post-colonial, and neo-colonial practices over the course of five centuries. RESULTS: My findings elucidate the enduring power of capitalism, implicating corporate and state elites, as the structural scaffolding for acts of racialized violence that condition the life-and-death circumstances of Black laborers on Caribbean plantations to this day. Although today's sugarcane cutters may suffer differently than their enslaved or wage labor ancestors on the plantation, I argue that an unfettered racialized pattern of lethal exploitation is sustained through the structural violence of neoliberalism that links present conditions with the colonial past. CONCLUSIONS: Ultimately, this paper contributes understandings of the plantationocene's enduring effects in the global south by demonstrating how imperialist arrangements of capitalism are not a distant memory from the colonial past but instead are present yet hidden and obscured while relocated and reanimated overseas to countries like the Dominican Republic, where American capitalists still exploit Black bodies for profit and power.

Policies enacted during COVID-19 came with unintended health benefits: why go back?

OBJECTIVES: To explore the impact of COVID-19 on the implementation of bundled interventions to improve the engagement and retention of Black women in HIV care. METHODS: Pre-implementation interviews conducted between January and April 202 L with 12 demonstration sites implementing bundled interventions for Black women with HIV. Directed content analysis was employed to examine the site interview transcripts. RESULTS: The pandemic intensified barriers to care and harmful social conditions. However, COVID-19 also forced pivots in health care and social service delivery and some of these changes benefited Black women living with HIV. CONCLUSIONS: The continuation of policies that support the material needs of Black women with HIV and ease access to care is critical. Racial capitalism impedes the enactment of these policies and thus threatens public health.

A return to responsibility: A critique of the single actor strategic model of CSR.

Any functional utility gained through corporate social responsibility (CSR) depends on "responsibility" as the governing principle between "corporate" and "social" interests. We argue that Porter and Kramer's highly popularised notion of "shared value" has been pivotal to the erosion of responsibility as a moderating concept in CSR. Under this approach, "strategic" CSR becomes an instrument to leverage corporate advantage, rather than fulfil social responsibilities and address business-related harms. In mining, this approach has supported shallow, derivative ideas including the wellknown CSR artefact: "social license to operate" (SLTO). We argue that CSR, and the related concept corporate social irresponsibility (CSI), suffer from the single actor problem, where the corporation too easily becomes the exclusive focus of analysis. We advocate for a reinvigorated debate about mining and social responsibility in which the corporation is but one actor in the (ir)responsibility landscape.

Making space for the new state capitalism, part II: Relationality, spatiotemporality and uneven development.

The theme issue 'Making Space for the New State Capitalism' brings together insights from critical economic geography and heterodox political economy through a series of papers published in three installments, each accompanied by an introductory essay written by the guest editors. In this, the second of these introductory commentaries, we explore the consequences of embracing relationality, spatiotemporality and uneven development, together with the second group of papers. Introducing a final group of papers, the third installment will address the challenges and opportunities of thinking conjuncturally.

State capitalism as Lazarus meets Loch Ness: Insights from the Asiatic mode of production.

This paper comments on the unexamined bifurcation of new state capitalism studies into two camps: changes in liberal capitalism and analyses of illiberal state forms. I characterize these aspects as Lazarus meets Loch Ness: Lazarus-like when focused on the ever-reborn market interventions of the liberal capitalist state, and Loch Ness-like in its rediscovery of the resurfaced 'other.'

A very British state capitalism: Variegation, political connections and bailouts during the COVID-19 crisis.

The COVID-19 pandemic has resulted in governments playing increasingly prominent roles as active economic agents. However, state capitalism does not necessarily serve broad developmental purposes, and rather can be directed to supporting sectional and private interests. As the literature on variegated capitalism alerts us, governments and other actors regularly devise fixes in response to a systemic crisis, but the focus, scale, and scope of the interventions vary considerably, according to the constellation of interests. Rapid progress with vaccines notwithstanding, the UK government's response to COVID-19 has been associated with much controversy, not only because of an extraordinarily high death rate, but also because of allegations of cronyism around the granting of government contracts and bailouts. We focus on the latter, investigating more closely who got bailed out. We find that badly affected sectors (e.g. hospitality, transportation) and larger employers were more likely to get bailouts. However, the latter also favored the politically influential and those who had run up debt profligately. Although, as with state capitalism, crony capitalism is most often associated with emerging markets, we conclude that the two have coalesced into a peculiarly British variety, but one that has some common features with other major liberal markets. This might suggest that the eco-systemic dominance of the latter is coming to an end, or, at the least, that this model is drifting towards one that assumes many of the features commonly associated with developing nations.

No Pass Laws Here! Internal Border Controls and the Global 'Hostile Environment'.

This article explores internal border controls in 1980s Britain, examining how they were conceptualised and resisted by a group of activists, the No Pass Laws Here! Group. Drawing on archival research conducted at the Hull History Centre and the Institute of Race Relations and focusing analysis on the Group's public-facing information leaflets and bulletins, this article explores how internal border controls created differentiated access to employment and the welfare state, targeting migrant and racialised residents and citizens. The No Pass Laws Here! Group's framing and analysis, in particular their use of pass laws as a frame through which to apprehend the spread of internal border controls, this article argues, allows us to draw out the continuities between policies developed to maintain colonial rule and those present in the metropole.

Necropolitics as accumulation: Enforcement and enclosure in Brisbane during COVID-19.

This article explores the uneven impacts that Indigenous and detained migrant populations have endured in Australia in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. Australia has one of the most restrictive immigration enforcement systems in the world. Along with imposing practices of mandatory detention in rural and remote regions, the Australian government finances the carceral systems of nearby countries and island nations. These logics of enforcement are embedded within histories and techniques of Indigenous quarantine, incarceration, and colonial erasure. Following Achille Mbembe (2019), I advance a theoretical framework of 'necropolitics as accumulation.' I argue that rather than disposable or 'wasted' populations, those subject to slow violence are within heightened circuits of accumulation. I draw on long-term ethnographic research in Brisbane to emphasize the intensification of governing measures that not only inflict slow death but also make a profit from capitalizing on it. People are kept alive through precarious visa statuses and in prisons, detention centers, camps, remote communities, reserves, and other institutional facilities in relation to their utility for capital, even as death in such spaces is inescapable. In focusing on racial capitalism, I center the differential experiences of Black, Brown, and Indigenous people from COVID-19 in long-standing histories of capitalist exploitation. By attending to the cross-cutting ways in which people are prevented from participating in society, made plain in the pandemic, I call for intersectional advocacy that works towards collective flourishing.

A by-product of big government: the attenuating role of public procurement for the effectiveness of grants-based entrepreneurship policy.

We study the contextual role of public procurement for the effectiveness of grants-based entrepreneurship policy. Drawing on the resource-based view of the firm, we argue that partaking in procurement can erode grant effectiveness by relaxing a firm's preexisting financial constraints and diverting managerial attention away from market-centered resource configurations. To test our hypothesis, we use detailed firm-level data from Slovenia and combine matching with difference-in-differences. When firms are not involved in procurement, all investigated types of grants meet the intended policy goals, apart from productivity growth. In contrast, when firms participate in procurement, small-business grants exhibit generally weaker effects, R&D grants fail to have any impact, and employment grants lastingly reduce firm productivity. Given that public procurement occupies a large footprint in many economies, our analysis highlights an unintended adverse by-product of big government and underscores the limits of state capitalism. Supplementary Information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11187-023-00788-w.

Supplementary Information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11187-023-00788-w.

This study explores how public procurement shapes the effectiveness of grants-based entrepreneurship policy. If procurement loosens firm's preexisting financial constraints or induces businesses to prioritize contracting with the government over other market opportunities, then public procurement could reduce the effectiveness of government grants. Empirical evidence from Slovenia supports this perspective. When firms do not partake in procurement, all examined types of grants achieve their intended policy goals, except for productivity growth. However, when firms are involved in public procurement, the effectiveness of the grants diminishes dramatically: small-business grants have weaker effects in general, R&D grants do not exert any impact, and employment grants decrease firm productivity. Thus, the principal implication of this study is that public procurement can hamper the effectiveness of grants-based entrepreneurship policy. The research also contributes to the understanding of the unintended consequences of big government and the limitations of state capitalism.

The association between system-justifying ideologies and attitudes toward the social market economy in Germany.

Although the legitimacy of an economic system is often dependent on citizen support, psychological research has paid little attention to attitudes toward economic systems. In the present study, we examined the link between two system-justifying ideologies, namely, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO), and attitudes toward the social market economy in Germany. Drawing on system justification theory, we hypothesized that RWA would be positively and SDO negatively associated with support for the social market economy because the social component of the German economic system conflicts with beliefs inherent in SDO favoring a group-based hierarchy. Based on a quota sample of German adults (N = 886), we found support for the predicted associations of both system-justifying ideologies with economic system support, except that RWA was negatively associated with support for the welfare component of the social market economy. However, the positive relationship of RWA with support for the social market economy only emerged after SDO was statistically controlled, suggesting a suppressor situation. These findings demonstrate that system-justifying ideologies bear different relations to pro-market attitudes depending on the type of economic regime. Implications for system justification theory are discussed. Supplementary Information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s12144-023-04483-7.

Corporate Moral Responsibility, Distributive Justice, the Common Good, and Catholic Social Teaching: The Case of Gilead Sciences and Remdesivir.

Applying the moral principles of Catholic social teaching's (CST) on capitalism, distributive justice, private ownership, the common good, and the role of the state in the economy as the overall theoretical framework and utilizing secondary data, media reports, and scientific literature, this article explores the corporate moral responsibility of the top drug makers in the ownership and pricing of their essential medicines and COVID-19 vaccines. Specifically, it presents the case of the Gilead Sciences' business strategies and overpricing of Remdesivir drug to illustrate how predatory capitalism undermines the moral responsibility of drug makers and CST's moral principle on the common good in today's pandemic. Distributive justice requires that the publicly funded and developed medicines and vaccines should be priced and distributed fairly to promote the common good and prevent the public from "paying twice" for these essential medicines. Given the public character of these medicines and the demands of social justice, the price of Remdesivir and other essential medicines of Gilead Sciences and Big Pharma for COVID-19 could have been lower than what was officially announced. Ultimately, these medicines could have been made global public health goods in accordance with CST's doctrines on distributive justice, the common good, and the social dimension of private ownership.

Schools as Drivers of Capitalist Accumulation Conditional Socialized Reproduction in Shenzhen.

Based on fieldwork in an urbanized village of Shenzhen, this paper analyzes the place of schools in the reproduction of Chinese state capitalism. It retraces the circuit of socialized capital that allows for the social reproduction of the native elite and the exclusion of many migrant workers in the context of Shenzhen's development as a special economic zone and its efforts to upgrade the economy. The native villagers, now forming an urban upper-class of rentiers, have capitalized on their overseas connections and capital accumulation to finance their school, allowing for their elite's upward social mobility after, but also already under Mao. After China's transition to capitalism, this school has served as an asset in generating value in the context of redevelopment and the real estate-driven upgrading of Shenzhen's economy. Property ownership is now a major criterion in points-based systems for accessing school places. I make two interrelated arguments. First, there is a closer relationship between the secondary circuit of socialized capital and the larger circuit of capital than what the literature on social reproduction implies. Second, the conditionality of quality education upon value generation amounts to separating the population deemed worthy of socialized reproduction and the surplus population that is left out. The paper connects diverse strands of social reproduction theory, Althusser's interpellation and ideological state apparatuses, feminist agentive social reproduction theories, and Bourdieu's capital conversion recuperated within a Marxian framework, to provide an integrated approach to social reproduction within capitalism.

Justice and the racial dimensions of health inequalities: A view from COVID-19.

In this paper, we take up the call to further examine structural injustice in health, and racial inequalities in particular. We examine the many facets of racism: structural, interpersonal and institutional as they appeared in the COVID-19 pandemic in the UK, and emphasize the relevance of their systemic character. We suggest that such inequalities were entirely foreseeable, for their causal mechanisms are deeply ingrained in our social structures. It is by recognizing the conventional, un-extraordinary nature of racism within social systems that we can begin to address socially mediated health inequalities.

The Case for Decolonising the Dental Curricula in the UK.

Students across disciplines in UK universities are demanding decolonisation of their education. These demands aim to resist the white European colonial endeavour that create racist inequalities. To address racial inequalities, the dental discipline has predominantly focused on diversity rather than decolonisation. By using two inter-related referents of decolonisation to dental caries and cosmetic dentistry, this article demonstrates the epistemic violence exerted through the objective hierarchised knowledge practices in dentistry. First, by starting from the position of racisms, empire and slavery, the enduring colonial patterns of power and hierarchies come into view. We see how knowledge production in dentistry has neglected the interconnected histories of colonialism, racial capitalism and patriarchy that continue to shape oral health inequalities and work towards promoting white supremacist beauty ideals. Moreover, the interconnected character of inequalities - race, class and gender - begin to emerge. Second, by proceeding from the place of colonialism, the limits of dental knowledge and the violence embedded in knowledge practices emerge. This highlights the need for new ways of knowing. To decolonise is to confront and weaken the dental discipline's entanglement with the enduring colonial patterns of power and hierarchies that are complicit in maintaining inequalities. Diversity without decolonisation will simply subsume marginalised voices into the existing hierarchised knowledge paradigm and continue to reproduce a hierarchised, unequal world. I argue that if dental schools want to address racial and intersectional inequalities, they need new transformative ways of learning and knowing to equip students to work towards social justice in the outside world.

Mental Health Challenges Related to Neoliberal Capitalism in the United States.

Rates of mental illness have increased dramatically over the past 15 years in the United States [Products-Data Briefs-Number 283-August 2017. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/products/databriefs/db283.htm . Published August 15, 2017]. Additionally, life expectancy has fallen over the past several years due to increases in death from suicide, opioid overdose, and alcoholic liver cirrhosis as reported by Case and Deaton [Deaths of despair and the future of capitalism. Princeton University Press, 2020]. Over the last decade some have questioned whether these changes are due to neoliberal capitalist policies and ideologies. Neoliberal capitalism incorporates theories of eliminating all restrictions on the market and decreasing government assistance programs as reported by Harvey [A brief history of neoliberalism, Oxford University Press, 2005]. Since then these policies have led to income inequality, disempowerment of workers, outsourcing of manufacturing jobs, inadequate social services, mass incarceration and an expensive and ineffective healthcare system as reported by Case and Deaton [Deaths of despair and the future of capitalism. Princeton University Press, 2020] and Nkansah-Amankra et al. [International Journal of Health Services 43(2):217-240, 2013]. Studies have shown that the consequences of these policies and ideologies likely have a role in increasing rates of mental illness. This paper will discuss how these factors increase mental distress and postulate ways that mental health professionals can advocate for change.