Did private election administration funding advantage Democrats in 2020?

Private donors contributed more than $350 million to local election officials to support the administration of the 2020 election. Supporters argue these grants were neutral and necessary to maintain normal election operations during the pandemic, while critics worry these grants mostly went to Democratic strongholds and tilted election outcomes. How much did these grants shape the 2020 presidential election? To answer this question, we collect administrative data on private election administration grants and election outcomes. We then use advances in synthetic control methods to compare presidential election results and turnout in counties that received grants to counties with similar election results and turnout before 2020. While Democratic counties were more likely to apply for a grant, we find that the grants did not have a noticeable effect on the presidential election. Our estimates of the average effect on Democratic vote share range from 0.03 to 0.36 percentage points. Our estimates of the average effect of receiving a grant on turnout range from 0.03 to 0.14 percentage points. Across specifications, our 95% CIs typically include negative effects and all fail to include effects on Democratic vote share larger than 0.58 percentage points and effects on turnout larger than 0.40 percentage points. We characterize the magnitude of our effects by asking how large they are compared to the margin by which Biden won the 2020 election. In simple bench-marking exercises, we find that the effects of the grants were likely too small to have changed the outcome of the 2020 presidential election.

Political leadership has limited impact on fossil fuel taxes and subsidies.

For countries to rapidly decarbonize, they need strong leadership, according to both academic studies and popular accounts. But leadership is difficult to measure, and its importance is unclear. We use original data to investigate the role of presidents, prime ministers, and monarchs in 155 countries from 1990 to 2015 in changing their countries' gasoline taxes and subsidies. Our findings suggest that the impact of leaders on fossil fuel taxes and subsidies is surprisingly limited and often ephemeral. This holds true regardless of the leader's age, gender, education, or political ideology. Rulers who govern during an economic crisis perform no better or worse than other rulers. Even presidents and prime ministers who were recognized by the United Nations for environmental leadership had no more success than other leaders in reducing subsidies or raising fuel taxes. Where leaders appear to play an important role-primarily in countries with large subsidies-their reforms often failed, with subsidies returning to prereform levels within the first 12 mo 62% of the time, and within 5 y 87% of the time. Our findings suggest that leaders of all types find it exceptionally hard to raise the cost of fossil fuels for consumers. To promote deep decarbonization, leaders are likely to have more success with other types of policies, such as reducing the costs and increasing the availability of renewable energy.

How can advocates leverage power to advance comprehensive regulation on ultra-processed foods? learning from advocate experience in Argentina.

BACKGROUND: The use of corporate power to undermine public health policy processes is increasingly well understood; however, relatively little scholarship examines how advocates can leverage power to promote the successful adoption of public health policies. The objective of this paper is to explore how advocates leveraged three forms of power - structural, instrumental and discursive - to promote the passage of the Promotion of Healthy Eating Law (Ley 27,642) in Argentina, one of the most comprehensive policies to introduce mandatory front-of-package (FOP) warning labels and regulate the marketing and sales of ultra-processed foods (UPFs) adopted to date. METHODS: We conducted seventeen semi-structured interviews with advocates from different sectors, including civil society, international agencies, and government. Both data collection and analysis were guided by Milsom's conceptual framework for analyzing power in public health policymaking, and the data was analyzed using hybrid deductive and inductive thematic analysis. RESULTS: Advocates harnessed structural power through the leveraging of revolving doors, informal alliances, and formal coalitions, enabling them to convene discussion spaces with decision-makers, make strategic use of limited resources, and cultivate the diverse expertise (e.g., research, nutrition science, advocacy, law, political science, activism and communications) needed to support the law through different phases of the policy process. Advocates wielded instrumental power by amassing an armada of localized evidence to promote robust policy design, building technical literacy amongst themselves and decision-makers, and exposing conflicts of interest to harness public pressure. Advocates exercised discursive power by adopting a rights-based discourse, including of children and adolescents and of consumers to transparent information, which enabled advocates to foster a favorable perception of the law amongst both decision-makers and the public. Key contextual enablers include a political window of opportunity, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the ability to learn from the regional precedent of similar policies. CONCLUSIONS: Public health policymaking, particularly when encroaching upon corporate interests, is characterized by stark imbalances of power that hinder policy decisions. The strategies identified in the case of Argentina provide important insights as to how advocates might harness and exercise structural, instrumental, and discursive power to counter corporate influence and promote the successful adoption of comprehensive UPF regulation.

The struggle for the social: rejecting the false separation of 'social' worlds in mental health spaces.

How are we to best grapple with the notion of the Social in mental health landscapes? This piece of speculative work explores a series of tensions that emerge in our attempt to contemplate, engage with, and address the social in mental health spaces. First, I will explore the tensions created by disciplinary demands for specialisation, questioning the value of this with regard to treating social and emotional bodies which continually reject such fragmentation. This line of inquiry then leads to reflection on the value of a social topology-enabled through the application of intersectionality principles, Black Sociological analytical frameworks, including the worldview approach, and societal psychological perspectives on knowledge and action. I argue the possibilities in actioning these approaches emerge through the application of a social-political economy of mental health, that holds the complexity presented by the totality of social life as it potentially relates to mental health. The piece seeks to advance a space of thinking on how we transition global mental health projects to be more effectively situated in a needed commitment for social justice as a remedy and repair to broken social worlds.

" full of opportunities, but not for everyone": A narrative inquiry into mechanisms of labor market inequity among precariously employed gay, bisexual, and queer men.

BACKGROUND: This study brings lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender (trans), and queer (LGBTQ+) populations into scholarly discourse related to precarious employment through a political economy of queer struggle. METHODS: Drawing on narrative inquiry, 20 gay, bisexual, and queer men shared stories of precarious employment that were analyzed using Polkinghorne's narrative analysis. RESULTS: Results tell an overarching narrative in three parts that follow the trajectory of participants' early life experiences, entering the labor market and being precariously employed. Part 1: Devaluation of LGBTQ+ identities and adverse life experiences impacted participants' abilities to plan their careers and complete postsecondary education. Part 2: Participants experienced restricted opportunities due to safety concerns and learned to navigate white, cis, straight, Canadian ideals that are valued in the labor market. Part 3: Participants were without protections to respond to hostile treatment for fear of losing their employment. CONCLUSIONS: These stories of precarious employment illustrate unique ways that LGBTQ+ people might be particularly susceptible to exploitative labor markets.

'How can you worry about employment and survival at the same time?': employment and mental health among precariously employed cisgender and transgender sexual minority adult men in Toronto, Canada.

This study addresses a gap in the labour market and occupational health literatures among sexual and gender minority workers by exploring the relationship between precarious employment and mental health through a political economy framework. Narratives from 20 cisgender and transgender sexual minority men were analysed to uncover the production of employment and mental health inequities. Results are presented temporally, including employment readiness, looking for work, and on the job, illuminating the social and structural processes that underly participants' stories of precarious employment and mental health. A cyclical pattern was identified whereby participants' mental ill-health resulted in separation from the labour market and increased employment precarity that subsequently further impacted their mental health. Interventions and programmes must consider multipronged approaches that address all aspects of this syndemic, including social stigma and discrimination towards sexual and gender minority people and improved access to stable employment, mental healthcare, and adequate social welfare systems.

The Political Economy of Digital Health Equity: Structural Analysis.

Digital technologies have produced many innovations in care delivery and enabled continuity of care for many people when in-person care was impossible. However, a growing body of research suggests that digital health can also exacerbate health inequities for those excluded from its benefits for reasons of cost, digital literacy, and structural discrimination related to characteristics such as age, race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status. In this paper, we draw on a political economy perspective to examine structural barriers to progress in advancing digital health equity at the policy level. Considering the incentive structures and investments of powerful actors in the field, we outline how characteristics of neoliberal capitalism in Western contexts produce and sustain digital health inequities by describing 6 structural challenges to the effort to promote health equity through digital health, as follows: (1) the revenue-first incentives of technology corporations, (2) the influence of venture capital, (3) inequitable access to the internet and digital devices, (4) underinvestment in digital health literacy, (5) uncertainty about future reimbursement of digital health, and (6) justified mistrust of digital health. Building on these important challenges, we propose future immediate and long-term directions for work to support meaningful change for digital health equity.

Exploring feminist political economy and feminist critical discourse analysis as methodologies in critical nursing research.

AIMS: This paper explores two critical feminist methodologies for nursing research: feminist political economy and feminist critical discourse analysis. The aim was to appreciate varied methodological approaches available for nurses to understand complexities in healthcare environments, above and beyond socially normative ways of knowing. DESIGN: Discursive paper. DATA SOURCES: Published articles from nursing databases (CINAHL and ProQuest; no date restrictions) and interdisciplinary databases (Women's Studies International, Sociological Abstracts and Ovid MEDLINE; publication dates between 2017 and 2022). METHODS: A discursive paper exploring and critically synthesizing the literature on feminist political economy and feminist critical discourse analysis to demonstrate how each methodological approach can be used in nursing. RESULTS: The findings of this discursive paper suggest there is an opportunity to draw on interdisciplinary studies for creative insights into how these methodologies may be helpful for nurses' scholarship and programmes of research. Although few nursing studies explicitly name a feminist political economy or feminist critical discourse analysis approach, several studies apply principles of these methodological approaches. CONCLUSION: There is an opportunity for these methodologies to be applied within the same project when there is a fit between the research questions and aims of both methodologies (studies where notions of gender and power are considered central and there are potential insights from exploring social progress, structures and the material, along with the social relations of discourses). IMPLICATIONS FOR THE PROFESSION AND/OR PATIENT CARE: Feminist political economy and feminist critical discourse analysis offer novel options for methodological analyses. IMPACT: Application of these methodologies may benefit critical nursing scholars looking for diverse critical methodological avenues to explore and to broaden nursing's methodological toolbox towards meeting social justice aims. PATIENT OR PUBLIC CONTRIBUTION: No patient or public contribution.

Market Failure, State Failure: The Political Economy of Supply Chain Strengthening to Ensure Equitable Access to Vaccines and Medicines in Low- and Middle-Income Countries.

CONTEXT: Much of the existing work on the political economy of vaccine access has focused on how intellectual property rights agreements contribute to inequitable COVID-19 vaccine access between high-income and low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). The two solutions that emerged to scale up access in LMICs involved either voluntary arrangements under COVAX or a waiver of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs) to allow immediate access to intellectual property. However, an additional constraint on access is weak and ineffective supply chains within LMICs that have eroded over several decades of health-sector reform. METHODS: This article reviews the literature on the political economy of supply chain strengthening in LMICs and identifies key challenges to equitable access to emergent vaccines and other medicines emanating from market and state failures in internal supply chains. FINDINGS: Over the past century, supply chain policies in LMICs have alternated among an emphasis on addressing market failures contributing to unaffordability of vaccines/medicines, an emphasis on state failures contributing to unavailability of vaccines/medicines, and a more recent move toward public-private hybrid arrangements to strengthen supply chains. CONCLUSIONS: In addition to reshoring production capacity through a TRIPs waiver, the international community must address chronic weakness in internal supply chains in LMICs to ensure access to novel vaccines/medicines.

Emergency Regulatory Procedures, Pharmaceutical Regulatory Politics, and the Political Economy of Vaccine Regulation in the COVID-19 Pandemic.

CONTEXT: Regulatory approaches to COVID-19 vaccine authorizations varied substantially across countries. Facing a common public health threat, what accounts for regulatory variation? This study focuses on emergency pharmaceutical and vaccine regulatory procedures and whether and how regulators' emergency pharmaceutical regulatory procedures going into the pandemic shaped regulatory processes and decisions during the pandemic. METHODS: The authors conducted an analysis of seven high-impact national and international pharmaceutical regulators with case studies from Brazil, China, India, Russia, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the European Medicines Agency. The authors analyzed evidence from primary source executive and legislative branch regulations and statutes as well as national and international scientific and general press reporting; they also drew on the secondary analysis of scholars, practitioners, and international organizations. FINDINGS: Inherited emergency pharmaceutical and vaccine regulatory procedures substantially shaped COVID-19 vaccine regulation during the pandemic. Variation in the presence and content of emergency regulatory procedures affected the quality of pandemic regulatory processes, outcomes, and procedural updates and differentially empowered policy-making experts and elected politicians. CONCLUSIONS: Emergency regulatory procedures affect key features of regulatory political economy and public health practices during crises. To improve future public health crisis responses, the authors provide policy recommendations for (1) establishing clear emergency pharmaceutical regulatory procedures, and (2) international collaboration.

Nursing as total institution.

Healthcare under the auspices of late-stage capitalism is a total institution that mortifies nurses and patients alike, demanding conformity, obedience, perfection. This capture, which resembles Deleuze's enclosure, entangles nurses in carceral systems and gives way to a postenclosure society, an institution without walls. These societies of control constitute another sort of total institution, more covert and insidious for their invisibility (Deleuze, 1992). While Delezue (1992) named physical technologies like electronic identification badges as key to understanding these societies of control, the political economy of late-stage capitalism functions as a total institution with no cohesive, centralized, connected material apparatus required. In this manuscript, we outline the ways in which the healthcare industrial complex demands nurse conformity and how that, in turn, operationalizes nurses in service to the institution. This foundation leads to the assertion that nursing must foster a radical imagination for itself, unbound by reality as it presently exists, in order that we might conjure more just, equitable futures for caregivers and care receivers alike. To tease out what a radical imagination might look like, we dwell in paradox: getting folks the care they need in capitalist healthcare systems; engaging nursing's deep history to inspire alternative understandings for the future of the discipline; and how nursing might divest from extractive institutional structures. This paper is a jumping-off place to interrogate the ways institutions telescope and where nursing fits into the arrangement.

Exploring the increasing need for plasma collection: Perspectives of voluntary nonremunerated donors on payment for plasma in Canada.

OBJECTIVES: The aim of this paper is to understand how voluntary nonremunerated plasma donors in Canada view payment for plasma and the emerging commercial sector. BACKGROUND: There is a growing global demand for plasma, to produce plasma-derived medical products. Source plasma for these products is collected through voluntary nonremunerated donation, sometimes by a national blood service, or by a commercial plasma collector, remunerating donors. METHODS/MATERIALS: This paper presents findings from qualitative semi-structured interviews with source plasma donors in three new source plasma centres in Canada. Interview data were analysed using abductive analysis, an interpretivist approach that builds on grounded theory. RESULTS: This study indicates that there are a range of perspectives on payment for plasma and the emerging commercial sector, from disinterest in payment, to opposition to payment based on the belief that it could undermine donating to help others, and risk public health and safety. One fifth of participants are open to CBS paying donors if it is necessary to increase national sufficiency of plasma. Almost two thirds of participants are opposed to commercial plasma collection in Canada, claiming that it could undermine Canada's public healthcare system, raising questions about transparency and accountability of the commercial plasma industry. CONCLUSION: Findings point to important areas for future study, on publicly collected source plasma, the emerging commercial plasma sector, and the role of the donor as a social actor in a complex political system.

Who is donating to political parties in Queensland, Australia? An analysis of political donations from the food industry.

OBJECTIVE: Australia's dominant food system encourages the overconsumption of foods detrimental for human and planetary health. Despite this, Australia has limited policies to reduce the burden of disease and protect the environment. Political donations from the food industry may contribute to policy inertia on this issue. We aimed to explore the extent of political donations made by the food industry in Queensland and investigate the timing of public health nutrition policies in relation to these donations. DESIGN: We collected publicly declared political donations data in Queensland, Australia, as it has the most transparent donation records. Policy data were sourced from the Australian National and Queensland State Parliaments, and consultations from the Australian and New Zealand Ministerial Forum on Food Regulation. SETTING: Queensland, Australia. PARTICIPANTS: Not applicable. RESULTS: The Liberal National Party (LNP) received 68 % of all donations, with most immediately preceding the 2017 and 2020 state elections. The Australian Labor Party, despite forming government for the time period under study, received only 17 % of total donations. Most donations were given by the meat industry, followed by the sugar industry. Few policies exist to protect and improve human and planetary health, with limited associations with political donations for most industries except sugar. CONCLUSIONS: Industry preference for the LNP, particularly as most donations coincided with election periods, may be due to the party's emphasis on minimal state involvement in economic and social affairs. The relationship between industry donations and policies is not clear, partly due to the limited number of policies implemented overall.

Political Economy of Non-Communicable Disease (NCD) prevention and control in Lebanon: identifying challenges and opportunities for policy change and care provision reforms.

INTRODUCTION: Lebanon is a middle-income country facing substantial fragility features. Its health profile shows a high burden of NCD morbidity and mortality. This paper intends to analyse the political economy of NCD prevention and control in Lebanon. METHODS: This study adopted a literature-based case study research design using a problem-driven political economy analysis framework. A total of 94 peer-reviewed articles and documents from the grey literature published before June 2019 were retrieved and analysed. RESULTS: Lebanon's political instability and fragile governance negatively affect its capacity to adapt a Health-in-All-Policies approach to NCD prevention and enable the blocking of NCD prevention policies by opposed stakeholders. Recent economic crises limit the fiscal capacity to address health financing issues and resulting health inequities. NCD care provision is twisted by powerful stakeholders towards a hospital-centred model with a powerful private sector. Stakeholders like the MOPH, UN agencies, and NGOs have been pushing towards changing the existing care model towards a primary care model. An incremental reform has been adopted to strengthen a network of primary care centres, support them with health technologies and improve the quality of primary care services. Nevertheless, outpatient services that are covered by other public funds remain specialist-led without much institutional regulation. CONCLUSION: Our study revealed a locked equilibrium in NCD prevention policymaking in Lebanon, but with an incremental progress in service delivery reforms towards a primary care model. Advocacy and close monitoring by policy entrepreneurs (such as civil society) could initiate and sustain the implementation of policy change and care model reforms.

1845 or 2023? Friedrich Engels's insights into the health effects of Victorian-era and contemporary Canadian capitalism.

The Condition of the Working Class in England (hereafter, CWCE) by Friedrich Engels is a masterpiece of urban research not only for its explicit descriptions of the living and working conditions of members of the Victorian-era working class and their effects on health but also its insights into the sources of these conditions through a political economy analysis. For Engels, the capitalist economic system, with the support of the state apparatus, prematurely sickened and killed men, women and children in its unrestrained pursuit of profits. Our reading of CWCE in 2023 concludes that Engels identified virtually every social determinant of health now found in contemporary discourse with his insights into how their quality and distribution shape health clearly relevant to present-day Canada. Revisiting CWCE directs our attention to how the same economic and political forces that sickened and killed members of the English working class in 1845 now do so in present-day Canada. Engels's insights also suggest means of responding to these forces. We place these findings within Derrida's concept of spectre and Rainey and Hanson's concept of trace to show how ideas from the past can inform the present.

Evaluation of the National Health Insurance Program of Nepal: are political promises translated into actions?

BACKGROUND: Despite political promise to reduce out-of-pocket (OOP) expenditure on healthcare through the National Health Insurance Program (NHIP) of Nepal, its implementation is challenging with low enrolment and high drop-out rates. Program performance can often be linked with political economy considerations and interests of stakeholders. This study aimed to develop an in-depth understanding of organizational and systemic challenges in implementing NHIP. METHODS: We conducted a structured narrative review of available literature on the NHIP in Nepal. We analysed data using a political economy analysis for health financing reform framework. The findings were explained under six broad categories: interest groups, bureaucracy, budgets, leadership, beneficiary and external actors. In addition, we triangulated and further presented the literature review findings using expert opinions (views expressed in public forums). RESULTS: Nepal has formulated acts, rules, regulations, and policies to implement NHIP. Under this program, the Health Insurance Board (HIB) is the purchaser of health services, and health facilities under the Ministry of Health and Population (MoHP) are the providers. The NHIP has been rolled out in all 77 districts. Several challenges have hindered the performance of NHIP at the policy and implementation levels. Challenges under interest groups included inadequate or delayed reimbursement and drop-out of hospitals in implementing the programme. Bureaucracy-related challenges were hegemony of provider over the purchaser, and inadequate staff (delay in the approval of organogram of HIB). There was inadequate monitoring of premium collection, and claim reimbursement was higher than collected premium. Challenges under leadership included high political commitments but weak translation into action, consideration of health insurance as poor return on investment, and intention of leaders to privatize the NHIP. Beneficiaries experienced compromised quality of care or lack of services when needed, high drop-out rates and low interest in renewal of premiums. External actors provided technical assistance in policy design but limited support in implementation. CONCLUSIONS: Despite enabling a policy environment, the NHIP faced many challenges in implementation. There is an urgent need for institutional arrangements (e.g. digitalization of claims and reimbursement, endorsement of organogram of HIB and recruitment of staff), increased coverage of financial protection and service (increased benefit package and introduction of cost-sharing/co-payment model), legislative reforms (e.g. legal provision for cost-sharing mechanism, integration of fragmented schemes, tripartite agreement to reimburse claims and accreditation of health facilities to ensure quality healthcare), and leveraging technical support from the external actors. High levels of commitment and accountability among political leaders and bureaucrats are required to strengthen financial sustainability and implementation.

Improving institutional platforms for evidence-informed decision-making: getting beyond technical solutions.

Purely technical interventions aimed at enhancing evidence-informed decision-making (EIDM) have rarely translated into organizational institutionalization or systems change. A panel of four presentations at the Health Systems Global 2020 conference provides a basis for inference about contextual factors that influence the establishment and sustainability of institutional platforms to support EIDM. These cases include local structures such as citizen panels in Uganda, regional knowledge translation structures such as the West African Health Organization, global multilateral initiatives such as the "One Health" Quadrapartite and regional public health networks in South-East Asia. They point to the importance of political economy as well as technical capability determinants of evidence uptake and utilization at institutional, organizational and individual levels. The cases also lend support to evidence that third-party (broker and intermediary) supportive institutions can facilitate EIDM processes. The involvement of third-party supranational organizations, however, poses challenges in terms of legitimacy and accountability.

Does unionization and working under collective agreements promote health?

Health promoters recognize the social determinants of health (SDOH) shape health outcomes yet generally neglect how unionization and collective agreements (CAs) shape these SDOH. This is surprising since extensive evidence indicates unions and CAs influence wages and benefits, job security, working conditions and income inequality, which go on to affect additional SDOH of food and housing security, child development and social exclusion. We argue unions and CAs should be a health promotion focus by examining how they influence the SDOH and health outcomes in wealthy developed nations in four ways. First, we consider how union density (UD) and CA coverage (CAC) are associated with differences between wealthy western nations in percentage of low-waged workers, extent of income inequality, and low birthweight and infant mortality rates. Second, we bring together literature that shows greater UD and CAC within national sub-jurisdictions are associated over time with more equitable distribution of the SDOH and better health outcomes. Third, we document-also using available literature-how within nations, union membership and working under a CA shape the SDOH one experiences. Fourth, we carry out a Canadian case study-applying a political economy lens-to examine how power relations, working through economic and political systems, determine extent of unionization and CAC and the inclination of health promoters to consider these issues. Implications for health promoters are considered.

The Political Economy of Market Power in Pharmaceuticals.

The pharmaceutical industry is among the most politically powerful business sectors in the United States today. This article describes how this industry has successfully entrenched its power, with attention to four sources of power: property power, vertical power over politics, ideational power, and material power. Attempts to reform the industry must grapple with these forms of power, which are not easily separated and which, in the current environment, tend to reinforce one another.

Beyond crisis? Using rent theory to understand the restructuring of publicly funded seniors' care in British Columbia, Canada.

Crises of seniors' care in countries like the UK and Canada, further highlighted by the COVID-19 pandemic, have been connected to processes of privatization and financialization. In this paper I argue that rent theory is important for disaggregating mechanisms, including of accumulation by dispossession, the devaluation of labour, and assetization, that underpin the process of financialization in the sector. Work on rents often divides between critical approaches, especially to land rent, and mainstream institutionalist and public choice approaches to rent-seeking. Critical rent theory is evolving beyond this divide to understand a broader range of types of rent. Yet, despite attention to the increasing importance of economic rents and forms of rentierism, labour and social reproduction are often excluded from the analysis of how rent relations arise. This paper demonstrates the problems with these exclusions. The argument is illustrated through an analysis of the restructuring of eldercare in British Columbia, Canada, in the last two decades, and employs a feminist political economy approach to examine the social production of rent relations.