Availability and Cost of Expensive and Common Generic Prescription Drugs: A Cross-sectional Analysis of Direct-to-Consumer Pharmacies.

BACKGROUND: Direct-to-consumer (DTC) pharmacies sell generic prescription drugs, often at lower prices than traditional retail pharmacies; however, not all drugs are available, and prices vary. OBJECTIVE: To determine the availability and cost of generic drugs at DTC pharmacies. DESIGN: Cross-sectional study. SETTING: Five national DTC pharmacies in April and May 2023. PARTICIPANTS: Each qualifying form of 100 generic drugs with the highest cost-per-patient (expensive) and the 50 generic drugs with the highest number of patients (common) in Medicare Part D in 2020 MAIN MEASURES: Availability of these drugs and the lowest DTC pharmacy price for a standardized drug strength and supply (e.g., 30 pills), compared to GoodRx retail pharmacy prices. KEY RESULTS: Of the 118 expensive generic dosage forms, 94 (80%) were available at 1 or more DTC pharmacies; out of 52 common generic dosage forms, 51 (98%) were available (p < 0.001). Of the 88 expensive generics available in comparable quantities and strengths across pharmacies, 42 (47%) had the lowest cost at Amazon, 23 (26%) at Mark Cuban Cost Plus Drug Company, 13 (14%) at Health Warehouse, and 12 (13%) at Costco; for 51 common generic formulations, 16 (31%) had the lowest cost at Costco, 14 (27%) at Amazon, 10 (20%) at Walmart, 6 (12%) at Health Warehouse, and 5 (10%) at Mark Cuban Cost Plus Drug Company. For the 77 expensive generics with available GoodRx retail pharmacy prices, the median cost savings at DTC pharmacies were $231 (95% CI, $129-$792) or 76% (IQR, 53-91%); for 51 common generics, savings were $19 (95% CI, $10-$34) or 75% (IQR, 67-83%). CONCLUSIONS: Many of the most expensive generic drugs are unavailable at direct-to-consumer pharmacies. Meanwhile, less expensive, commonly used generics are widely available, but drug prices vary by pharmacy and savings are modest, requiring patients to shop around for the lowest cost.

Changes in Induced Medical and Procedural Abortion Rates in a Commercially Insured Population, 2018 to 2022 : An Interrupted Time-Series Analysis.

BACKGROUND: During the COVID-19 pandemic, access to in-person care was limited, and regulations requiring in-person dispensing of mifepristone for medical abortions were relaxed. The effect of the pandemic and accompanying regulatory changes on abortion use is unknown. OBJECTIVE: To estimate changes in the incidence rate of induced medical and procedural abortions. DESIGN: Serial cross-sectional study with interrupted time-series analyses. SETTING: Commercially insured persons in the United States. PARTICIPANTS: Reproductive-aged women. INTERVENTION: Onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in March 2020 and subsequent regulatory changes affecting the in-person dispensing requirement for mifepristone. MEASUREMENTS: Monthly age-adjusted incidence rates of medical and procedural abortions were measured among women aged 15 to 44 years from January 2018 to June 2022. Medical abortions were classified as in-person or telehealth. Linear segmented time-series regression was used to calculate changes in abortion rates after March 2020. RESULTS: In January 2018, the estimated age-adjusted monthly incidence rate of abortions was 151 per million women (95% CI, 142 to 161 per million women), with equal rates of medical and procedural abortions. After March 2020, there was an immediate 14% decrease in the monthly incidence rate of abortions (21 per million women [CI, 7 to 35 per million women]; P = 0.004), driven by a 31% decline in procedural abortions (22 per million women [CI, 16 to 28 per million women]; P < 0.001). Fewer than 4% of medical abortions each month were administered via telehealth. LIMITATION: Only abortions reimbursed by commercial insurance were measured. CONCLUSION: The incidence rate of procedural abortions declined during the COVID-19 pandemic, and this lower rate persisted after other elective procedures rebounded to prepandemic rates. Despite removal of the in-person dispensing requirement for mifepristone, the use of telehealth for insurance-covered medical abortions remained rare. Amid increasing state restrictions, commercial insurers have the opportunity to increase access to abortion care, particularly via telehealth. PRIMARY FUNDING SOURCE: Health Resources and Services Administration.

Medicaid Spending on Antiretrovirals From 2007 Through 2019.

BACKGROUND: Antiretroviral (ARV) medications to treat human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) are a major contributor to Medicaid prescription drug spending. Despite having been used for over 3 decades, the first generic ARVs only recently became available, and many newer versions continue to be sold at high prices despite within-class competition. We estimated Medicaid spending on ARVs from 2007 through 2019. METHODS: Using public Medicaid State Drug Utilization data, we identified trends in ARV spending and use from 2007 through 2019. We estimated net spending and average prices (spending per 30-day supply), accounting for statutory Medicaid rebates, including a 15%-23% base rebate plus additional rebates if a drug's price increased faster than inflation. RESULTS: Among 48 ARVs, estimated net Medicaid spending from 2007 through 2019 was $25 billion for 17 million 30-day supplies. Annual use increased 118%, from 0.7 million 30-day supplies in 2007 to 1.6 million in 2019. During this time, estimated annual net spending increased 178%, from $1.1 billion to $3.0 billion, and average net prices increased 28%, from $1432 to $1830 per 30-day supply. CONCLUSIONS: Annual Medicaid net spending on ARVs nearly tripled from 2007 to 2019, due to a combination of expanded use and rising prices. Medicaid did not extract expected benefits from its mandatory inflationary rebates because they were offset by use of newer, more expensive ARVs. To better control spending related to products with incremental innovation, the US government should be authorized to assure that launch prices for new drugs are aligned with the added benefit they offer over existing therapies.

Using Multiple Authorized Generics to Maintain High Prices: The Example of Entacapone.

OBJECTIVES: Brand-name drug manufacturers can market or license authorized generics (AGs), which are the same product sold under a generic name. By contrast, independent generics (IGs) are made by other manufacturers. The brand-name manufacturer of entacapone, a treatment for Parkinson's disease, established 4 AGs before IGs emerged. We used this case study to understand how AGs can affect the length of brand-name exclusivity and robustness of generic competition. METHODS: Using public Food and Drug Administration and court records, we identified the regulatory and legal history for generic entacapone products marketed through 2021. We used Medicare Part D data to estimate trends in use, prices, and spending on entacapone products from 2011 to 2020, comparing actual spending with projected spending if IG competition had begun after expiration of the key patent protecting entacapone (October 2013) and prices had fallen consistent with levels observed for other generic drugs. RESULTS: From 2012 to 2014, 3 potential entacapone IG manufacturers instead launched AG versions after settlement agreements with the brand-name manufacturer; the brand-name manufacturer additionally introduced its own AG. Four different IG versions were marketed beginning in 2015. From 2011 to 2020, average Medicare prices declined by 62%, less than the projected 74% to 92% price decline expected for a drug with 8 generics. Over this period, Medicare spent $1.1 billion on entacapone products, which could have been reduced by an estimated $137 to $449 million through typical IG competition. CONCLUSIONS: The case of entacapone demonstrates how licensing multiple AGs in place of IG competition can increase spending. Government regulators should more rigorously monitor AGs to prevent such strategies.

Added Therapeutic Benefit of Top-Selling Brand-name Drugs in Medicare.

Importance: The Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 authorizes Medicare to negotiate prices of top-selling drugs based on several factors, including therapeutic benefit compared with existing treatment options. Objective: To determine the added therapeutic benefit of the 50 top-selling brand-name drugs in Medicare in 2020, as assessed by health technology assessment (HTA) organizations in Canada, France, and Germany. Design, Setting, and Participants: In this cross-sectional study, publicly available therapeutic benefit ratings, US Food and Drug Administration documents, and the Medicare Part B and Part D prescription drug spending dashboards were used to determine the 50 top-selling single-source drugs used in Medicare in 2020 and to assess their added therapeutic benefit ratings through 2021. Main Outcomes and Measures: Ratings from HTA bodies in Canada, France, and Germany were categorized as high (moderate or greater) or low (minor or no) added benefit. Each drug was rated based on its most favorable rating across countries, indications, subpopulations, and dosage forms. We compared the use and prerebate and postrebate (ie, net) Medicare spending between drugs with high vs low added benefit. Results: Forty-nine drugs (98%) received an HTA rating by at least 1 country; 22 of 36 drugs (61%) received a low added benefit rating in Canada, 34 of 47 in France (72%), and 17 of 29 in Germany (59%). Across countries, 27 drugs (55%) had a low added therapeutic rating, accounting for $19.3 billion in annual estimated net spending, or 35% of Medicare net spending on the 50 top-selling single-source drugs and 11% of total Medicare net prescription drug spending in 2020. Compared with those with high added benefit, drugs with a low added therapeutic rating were used by more Medicare beneficiaries (median 387 149 vs 44 869) and had lower net spending per beneficiary (median $992 vs $32 287). Conclusions and Relevance: Many top-selling Medicare drugs received low added benefit ratings by the national HTA organizations of Canada, France, and Germany. When negotiating prices for these drugs, Medicare should ensure they are not priced higher than reasonable therapeutic alternatives.

Sex-Based Role Misidentification and Burnout of Resident Physicians: An Observational Study.

OBJECTIVE: This cross-sectional study characterized associations between sex, role misidentification, and burnout among surgical and nonsurgical residents. SUMMARY BACKGROUND DATA: Limited evidence suggests that female resident physicians are more likely to be misidentified as nonphysician team members, with potential negative implications for wellbeing. The prevalence and impact of role misidentification on the trainee experience in surgical as compared to nonsurgical specialties is unknown. METHODS: An anonymous electronic survey was distributed to fourteen different residency programs at 2 academic medical centers in August 2018. The survey included questions about demographics, symptoms of burnout, the frequency of misidentification as another member of the care team, and the effect of misidentification on respondents' well-being. Results: Two-hundred sixty out of 419 (62.1% response rate) resident physicians completed the survey, of whom 184 (77.3%) reported being misidentified as a nonphysician at least weekly. Female sex was associated with a significantly increased odds of being misidentified at least weekly (adjusted OR 23.7, 95% CI 10.9-51.5; P < 0.001), as was training in a surgical program (adjusted OR 3.7, 95% CI 1.7-8.0; P = 0.001). Frequent role misidentification was associated with burnout (OR 2.6, 95% CI 1.2-5.5; P = 0.01). In free-text responses, residents reported that being misidentified invoked a sense of not belonging, caused emotional exhaustion, and interfered with patient communication. CONCLUSIONS: Role misidentification is more prevalent among female residents and surgical residents, compared to male residents and nonsurgical residents, respectively. Physician role misidentification is associated with burnout and has negative implications for resident wellbeing; interventions to reduce role misidentification are needed.

State Laws and Generic Substitution in the Year After New Generic Competition.

OBJECTIVES: Substitution of brand-name drugs with less expensive, equally effective interchangeable generics is an important strategy for promoting adherence and controlling prescription drug spending. US state laws govern generic substitution, but there is variability among states in how these laws are designed. We aimed to determine how different features of state laws regulating generic substitution are associated with use of generic drugs. METHODS: Using national claims databases, we studied individuals with commercial insurance or Medicare Advantage plans who newly initiated one of 34 prescription drugs during the year after new generic competition (2017-2018) to determine any association between generic use and 3 different features of state laws. We used multivariable logistic regression to adjust for demographic and clinical characteristics. RESULTS: Of 502 763 individuals who initiated one of the drugs, 409 856 (81.6%) received a generic version. Those in states requiring patient consent or notification had lower use of generics (81.1% vs 82.9%; adjusted odds ratio 0.89; 95% confidence interval 0.87-0.91; P < .001). By contrast, mandating versus permitting generic substitution and protecting pharmacists from liability did not appear to have significant effects. CONCLUSIONS: In this study of commercially insured and Medicare Advantage patients, patients in states requiring consent or notification for pharmacists to substitute Food and Drug Administration-certified interchangeable generics had lower use of generics. Laws in 39 states plus the District of Columbia could be amended to improve use of inexpensive and equally effective generic drugs.

Non-warfarin oral anticoagulant copayments and adherence in atrial fibrillation: A population-based cohort study.

BACKGROUND: In patients with atrial fibrillation, incomplete adherence to anticoagulants increases risk of stroke. Non-warfarin oral anticoagulants (NOACs) are expensive; we evaluated whether higher copayments are associated with lower NOAC adherence. METHODS: Using a national claims database of commercially-insured patients, we performed a cohort study of patients with atrial fibrillation who newly initiated a NOAC from 2012 to 2018. Patients were stratified into low (<$35), medium ($35-$59), or high (≥$60) copayments and propensity-score weighted based on demographics, insurance characteristics, comorbidities, prior health care utilization, calendar year, and the NOAC received. Follow-up was 1 year, with censoring for switching to a different anticoagulant, undergoing an ablation procedure, disenrolling from the insurance plan, or death. The primary outcome was adherence, measured by proportion of days covered (PDC). Secondary outcomes included NOAC discontinuation (no refill for 30 days after the end of NOAC supply) and switching anticoagulants. We compared PDC using a Kruskal-Wallis test and rates of discontinuation and switching using Cox proportional hazards models. RESULTS: After weighting patients across the 3 copayment groups, the effective sample size was 17,558 patients, with balance across 50 clinical and demographic covariates (standardized differences <0.1). Mean age was 62 years, 29% of patients were female, and apixaban (43%), and rivaroxaban (38%) were the most common NOACs. Higher copayments were associated with lower adherence (P < .001), with a PDC of 0.82 (Interquartile range [IQR] 0.36-0.98) among those with high copayments, 0.85 (IQR 0.41-0.98) among those with medium copayments, and 0.88 (IQR 0.41-0.99) among those with low copayments. Compared to patients with low copayments, patients with high copayments had higher rates of discontinuation (hazard ratio [HR] 1.13, 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.08-1.19; P < .001). CONCLUSIONS: Among atrial fibrillation patients newly initiating NOACs, higher copayments in commercial insurance were associated with lower adherence and higher rates of discontinuation in the first year. Policies to lower or limit cost-sharing of important medications may lead to improved adherence and better outcomes among patients receiving NOACs.

Why France Spends Less Than the United States on Drugs: A Comparative Study of Drug Pricing and Pricing Regulation.

Policy Points  Spending on prescription drugs is much higher per capita in the United States than in most other industrialized nations, including France.  Lower prescription drug spending in France is due to different approaches to managing drug prices, volume of prescribing, and global health budgets.  Linking a drug's price to value both at the launch of the drug and over its lifetime is key to controlling spending. Regulations on prescription volume and global spending complement the interventions on prices.  If the United States adopted the French approach to regulating drug pricing, Medicare could potentially save billions of dollars annually on prescription drug spending. CONTEXT: Prescription drug spending per capita in the United States is higher than in most other industrialized countries. Policymakers seeking to lower drug spending often suggest benchmarking prices against other countries, including France, which spends half as much as the United States per capita on prescription drugs. Because differences in drug prices may result from how markets are organized in each nation, we sought to directly compare drug prices and pricing regulations between the United States and France. METHODS: For the six brand-name drugs with the highest gross expenditures in Medicare Part D in 2017, we compared the price dynamics in France and the United States between 2010 and 2018 and analyzed associations between price changes in each country and key regulatory events. We also comprehensively reviewed US and French laws and regulations related to drug pricing. FINDINGS: Prices for the six drugs studied were higher in the United States than in France. In 2018, if Medicare had paid French prices for the brand-name drugs in our cohort, the agency would have saved $5.1 billion. We identified 12 factors that explain why the United States spends more than France on drugs, including variations in unit prices and the volume of prescriptions, driven by use of health technology assessment and value-based pricing in France. CONCLUSIONS: Key drivers of lower drug spending in France compared to the United States are that the French government regulates drug prices when products are launched and prohibits substantial price increases after launch. The regulation of prescription drugs in France is governed by rules that can inform discussions of US prescription drug policy and potential Medicare price negotiations.

Pursuing Value-Based Prices for Drugs: A Comprehensive Comparison of State Prescription Drug-Pricing Boards.

Policy Points In the absence of federal action on rising prescription drug costs, we reviewed the details of five states that have enacted prescription drug-pricing boards seeking to lower drug prices based on products' value. Within these states, six such boards are currently authorized; they have similarities but vary in terms of structure, authority, scope, and leverage. As of June 2021, only one of the boards in our sample has conducted pricing reviews; legislators in other states can learn from the successes and challenges of existing boards. Prescription drug-pricing boards represent a novel and promising way to curb state spending and pay for value in prescription drugs but face legal and political barriers in implementation. CONTEXT: Rising prescription drug costs are consuming a growing proportion of state and private budgets. In response, lawmakers have experimented with a variety of policies to contain spending and achieve value in prescription drugs. As part of this series of reforms, some state legislatures have recently authorized prescription drug-pricing boards to address the high prices of brand-name prescription drugs and assess the value of those drugs. METHODS: We identified state prescription drug-pricing boards in the United States, defined as any agency authorized by a state legislature to review specific drugs and pursue value-based drug prices. To describe the characteristics of the boards, we obtained public records of authorizing legislation, guidance documents, and board meeting minutes. We compared the boards' powers and responsibilities and analyzed completed pricing reviews. FINDINGS: Six state drug-pricing boards in five states met our definition; their design varied substantially. Two of the boards (New York Medicaid and Massachusetts) have authority over drug rebates paid by state Medicaid programs, one (New York Drug Accountability Board) has jurisdiction over state-regulated commercial insurance, and another three (Maine, Maryland, and New Hampshire) oversee non-Medicaid, state-funded insurance. Three boards are authorized to require manufacturers to confidentially submit information related to the pricing and clinical effectiveness of reviewed drugs to inform value determinations. Only one board (New York Medicaid) had completed pricing reviews as of June 3, 2021. CONCLUSIONS: Boards' structure, scope, and statutory leverages to compel manufacturers to negotiate lower net costs are key factors that influence whether and to what extent boards can achieve cost savings for states. Though legal constraints may limit the effective reach of prescription drug-pricing boards, these agencies can enable states to address rising prescription drug costs, in part by virtue of their very existence. To overcome practical limitations, states seeking to implement similar policies can build on the experiences and designs of current boards.

Factors Associated With Generic Drug Uptake in the United States, 2012 to 2017.

OBJECTIVES: In the United States, brand-name prescription drugs remain expensive until market exclusivity ends and lower-cost generics become available. Delayed generic drug uptake may increase spending and worsen medication adherence and patient outcomes. We assessed recent trends and factors associated with generic uptake. METHODS: Among 227 drugs facing new generic competition from 2012 to 2017, we used a national claims database to measure generic uptake in the first and second year after generic entry, defined as the proportion of claims for a generic version of the drug. Using linear regression, we evaluated associations between generic uptake and key drug characteristics. RESULTS: Mean generic uptake was 66.1% (standard deviation 22.1%) in the first year and 82.7% (standard deviation 21.6%) in the second year after generic entry. From 2012 to 2017 generic uptake decreased 4.3% per year in the first year (95% confidence interval, 2.8%-5.8%, P < .001) and 3.2%/year in the second year (95% confidence interval, 1.2%-5.1%). Generic uptake was lower for injected than oral drugs in the first year (38.5% vs 70.0%, P < .001) and second year (50.3% vs 86.9%, P < .001). In the second year, generic uptake was higher among drugs with an authorized generic (86.1 vs 80.1%, P = .045) and those with ≥3 generic competitors (87.7% vs 78.6%, P = .055). CONCLUSION: Early generic uptake decreased over the past several years. This trend may adversely affect patients and increase prescription drug spending. Policies are needed to encourage generic competition, particularly among injected drugs administered in a hospital or clinic setting.

Transferrable Market Exclusivity Extensions to Promote Antibiotic Development: An Economic Analysis.

BACKGROUND: To address the growing threat of multidrug-resistant organisms, policymakers are seeking ideas to promote development of novel antibiotics. In 2018, the REVAMP Act was proposed in Congress to reward manufacturers of certain novel antibiotics with transferrable market exclusivity vouchers. METHODS: We estimated the economic impact of this proposal by identifying antimicrobial drugs approved by the FDA from 2007-2016 that would likely have qualified for an exclusivity voucher and matching each drug to the highest-revenue fast-track drug facing generic entry within 4 years after the antibiotic was approved. Assuming a spending decrease of 75% after generic entry, we calculated the per-drug and total societal costs of these transferrable market exclusivity extensions over a decade. RESULTS: We identified 10 antimicrobials that would have qualified for an exclusivity voucher, each of which was matched with 1 of 17 fast-track drugs facing generic entry through July 2019. These 10 drugs had a median annual revenue before generic entry of $249 million (range, $26 million-$2.7 billion). Accounting for a 75% spending reduction after generic entry, the median excess spending associated with 12 months of extended exclusivity was $187 million, for a total of $4.5 billion over 10 years. CONCLUSIONS: While market exclusivity extensions are a politically appealing mechanism to encourage novel antibiotic development, this approach would cost public and private payers billions of dollars over the next decade.

Direct-to-Consumer Drug Company Pharmacies.

The recent launch of direct-to-consumer pharmacy LillyDirect prompts the author of this Viewpoint to consider why it was created and also to raise concerns about allowing manufacturers to sell their drugs directly to patients.

State Coverage and Reimbursement of Antiobesity Medications in Medicaid.

This study examines state Medicaid coverage policies for antiobesity medications and their trends in Medicaid reimbursement from 2011 to 2022.