Extracting rules: early and late mismatch negativity to tone patterns.

The auditory processing of physical stimulus features can be measured by the mismatch negativity. Past studies have shown that higher-order stimulus features also elicit a mismatch negativity. In some studies, a second component, termed late mismatch negativity, has been observed; yet the functional significance of this component remains unclear. We tested two-tone-pattern stimuli following an abstract rule in healthy adults. As expected, the tone pattern elicited a significant mismatch negativity peaking at 146 ms but a significant late mismatch negativity at around 340 ms was also observed. These findings show that the violation of an abstract rule elicits an early and late mismatch negativity. The late mismatch negativity might be triggered on the basis of auditory rule extraction processes and reflect a transfer of rules to the long-term memory.

Event-related brain potentials to change in the frequency and temporal structure of sounds in typically developing 5-6-year-old children.

The brain's ability to recognize different acoustic cues (e.g., frequency changes in rapid temporal succession) is important for speech perception and thus for successful language development. Here we report on distinct event-related potentials (ERPs) in 5-6-year-old children recorded in a passive oddball paradigm to repeated tone pair stimuli with a frequency change in the second tone in the pair, replicating earlier findings. An occasional insertion of a third tone within the tone pair generated a more merged pattern, which has not been reported previously in 5-6-year-old children. Both types of deviations elicited pre-attentive discriminative mismatch negativity (MMN) and late discriminative negativity (LDN) responses. Temporal principal component analysis (tPCA) showed a similar topographical pattern with fronto-central negativity for MMN and LDN. We also found a previously unreported discriminative response complex (P340-N440) at the temporal electrode sites at about 140 ms and 240 ms after the frequency deviance, which we suggest reflects a discriminative processing of frequency change. The P340 response was positive with a clear radial distribution preceding the fronto-central frequency MMN by about 30 ms. The results indicate that 5-6-year-old children can detect frequency change and the occasional insertion of an additional tone in sound pairs as reflected by MMN and LDN, even with quite short within-stimulus intervals (150 ms and 50 ms). Furthermore, MMN for these changes is preceded by another response to deviancy, temporal P340, which seems to reflect a parallel but earlier discriminatory process.

Electrophysiological correlates of cross-linguistic semantic integration in hearing signers: N400 and LPC.

We explored semantic integration mechanisms in native and non-native hearing users of sign language and non-signing controls. Event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were recorded while participants performed a semantic decision task for priming lexeme pairs. Pairs were presented either within speech or across speech and sign language. Target-related ERP responses were subjected to principal component analyses (PCA), and neurocognitive basis of semantic integration processes were assessed by analyzing the N400 and the late positive complex (LPC) components in response to spoken (auditory) and signed (visual) antonymic and unrelated targets. Semantically-related effects triggered across modalities would indicate a similar tight interconnection between the signers׳ two languages like that described for spoken language bilinguals. Remarkable structural similarity of the N400 and LPC components with varying group differences between the spoken and signed targets were found. The LPC was the dominant response. The controls׳ LPC differed from the LPC of the two signing groups. It was reduced to the auditory unrelated targets and was less frontal for all the visual targets. The visual LPC was more broadly distributed in native than non-native signers and was left-lateralized for the unrelated targets in the native hearing signers only. Semantic priming effects were found for the auditory N400 in all groups, but only native hearing signers revealed a clear N400 effect to the visual targets. Surprisingly, the non-native signers revealed no semantically-related processing effect to the visual targets reflected in the N400 or the LPC; instead they appeared to rely more on visual post-lexical analyzing stages than native signers. We conclude that native and non-native signers employed different processing strategies to integrate signed and spoken semantic content. It appeared that the signers׳ semantic processing system was affected by group-specific factors like language background and/or usage.