Substances as a core domain.

Central to What Babies Know (Spelke, ) is the thesis that infants' understanding is divided into independent modules of core knowledge. As a test case, we consider adding a new domain: core knowledge of substances. Experiments show that infants' understanding of substances meets some criteria of core knowledge, and they raise questions about the relations that hold between core domains.

Integration of thought and action continued: Scale errors and categorization in toddlers.

To further explore the effect of weighted arms on toddler's performance in problem solving (Arterberry et al., 2018, Infancy, 23(2), 173), the present study explored scale errors and categorization, two instances where infants appear to show more advanced knowledge than toddlers. Experiment 1 (N = 67) used a novel task for inducing scale errors among 24- to 29-month-olds. Results replicated rates of scale errors found in previous research that used different tasks. Experiment 2 used sequential touching (N = 31) and sorting measures (N = 23) to test categorization in 24-month-old children. In both measures, children showed categorization at the basic level when there was high contrast between the exemplars, but not at a basic level with low contrast or a subordinate level. In Experiments 1 and 2, half the participants were tested while wearing weighted wristbands. Weighting the arms did not affect error rates, in contrast to previous research showing that weights improved performance in search tasks. The findings are discussed in light of children's difficulty in integrating perception, cognition, and action.

Five-Month-Old Infants Have General Knowledge of How Nonsolid Substances Behave and Interact.

Experience puts people in touch with nonsolid substances, such as water, blood, and milk, which are crucial to survival. People must be able to understand the behavior of these substances and to differentiate their properties from those of solid objects. We investigated whether infants represent nonsolid substances as a conceptual category distinct from solid objects on the basis of differences in cohesiveness. Experiment 1 established that infants can distinguish water from a perceptually matched solid and can correctly predict whether the item will pass through or be trapped by a grid. Experiments 2 and 3 showed that infants extend this knowledge to less familiar granular substances. These experiments indicate that concepts of cohesive and noncohesive material appear early in development, apply across several types of nonsolid substances, and may serve as the basis of later knowledge of physical phases.

Nonhuman primate vocalizations support categorization in very young human infants.

Language is a signature of our species and our primary conduit for conveying the contents of our minds. The power of language derives not only from the exquisite detail of the signal itself but also from its intricate link to human cognition. To acquire a language, infants must identify which signals are part of their language and discover how these signals are linked to meaning. At birth, infants prefer listening to vocalizations of human and nonhuman primates; within 3 mo, this initially broad listening preference is tuned specifically to human vocalizations. Moreover, even at this early developmental point, human vocalizations evoke more than listening preferences alone: they engender in infants a heightened focus on the objects in their visual environment and promote the formation of object categories, a fundamental cognitive capacity. Here, we illuminate the developmental origin of this early link between human vocalizations and cognition. We document that this link emerges from a broad biological template that initially encompasses vocalizations of human and nonhuman primates (but not backward speech) and that within 6 mo this link to cognition is tuned specifically to human vocalizations. At 3 and 4 mo, nonhuman primate vocalizations promote object categorization, mirroring precisely the advantages conferred by human vocalizations, but by 6 mo, nonhuman primate vocalizations no longer exert this advantageous effect. This striking developmental shift illuminates a path of specialization that supports infants as they forge the foundational links between human language and the core cognitive processes that will serve as the foundations of meaning.

Prelinguistic Relational Concepts: Investigating Analogical Processing in Infants.

This research asks whether analogical processing ability is present in human infants, using the simplest and most basic relation-the same-different relation. Experiment 1 (N = 26) tested whether 7- and 9-month-olds spontaneously detect and generalize these relations from a single example, as previous research has suggested. The attempted replication failed. Experiment 2 asked whether infants could abstract the relation via analogical processing (Experiment 2, N = 64). Indeed, with four exemplars, 7- and 9-month-olds could abstract the same-different relation and generalize it to novel pairs. Furthermore, prior experience with the objects disrupted learning. Facilitation from multiple exemplars and disruption by individual object salience are signatures of analogical learning. These results indicate that analogical ability is present by 7 months.

Parental acceptance of brain health programs for preschool children: a mixed-methods study exploring barriers, facilitators and future approaches.

Background: Recent research proposes that as much as 40% of dementia risk is amendable. Promoting healthy lifestyle behaviors in early life through educational methods can cultivate habits that may decrease dementia risk in later life. This study explores parental acceptance of brain health programs tailored for preschool children, aiming to identify barriers and facilitators affecting parental and child engagement. Methods: Mixed-methods cross-sectional study. Urban and suburban parents (N = 187, M age = 37.3 SD = 5.53, range = 29) of children aged three to five years across Australia. Parents participated in an online survey containing both open and closed questions exploring their personal views and opinions on brain health programs for their preschool children. Descriptive statistics, multiple linear regression analyses, and thematic analysis were used to explore sociodemographic factors associated with parental program acceptance. Results: Most participants accepted a brain health program with over 98% agreeing a program would be useful for their child(ren). Participants with younger aged children were more likely to exhibit acceptance of a program (ß = -0.209, p = 0.007). Three main categories emerged: dual home and preschool environments, the need for engaging brain health programs that were hands-on and screen-free, and addressing key barriers such as time and financial constraints to support implementation. Conclusion: Participants valued educating their children for a healthy life and viewed brain health programs favorably. This study contributes to early childhood education discussions, offering guidance for future generations' brain health and wellbeing.

Infants make quantity discriminations for substances.

Infants can track small groups of solid objects, and infants can respond when these quantities change. But earlier work is equivocal about whether infants can track continuous substances, such as piles of sand. Experiment 1 (N = 88) used a habituation paradigm to show infants can register changes in the size of piles of sand that they see poured from a container when there is a 1-to-4 ratio. Experiment 2 (N = 82) tested whether infants could discriminate a 1-to-2 ratio. The results demonstrate that females could discriminate the difference but males could not. These findings constitute the youngest evidence of successful quantity discriminations for a noncohesive substance and begin to characterize the nature of the representation for noncohesive entities.

No evidence for language benefits in infant relational learning.

Recent studies have found that infants show relational learning in the first year. Like older children, they can abstract relations such as same or different across a series of exemplars. For older children, language has a major impact on relational learning: labeling a shared relation facilitates learning, while labeling component objects can disrupt learning. Here we ask: Does language influence relational learning at 12 months? Experiment 1 (n = 64) examined the influence of a relational label on learning. Prior to the study, the infants saw three pairs of objects, all labeled "These are same" or "These are different". Experiment 2 (n = 48) examined the influence of object labels prior to the study, with three objects labeled (e.g., "This is a cup, this is a tower."). We compared the present results with those of Ferry et al. (2015), where infants abstracted same and different relations after undergoing a similar paradigm without prior labels. If the effects of language mirror those in older children, we would expect that infants given relational labels (Experiment 1) will be helped in abstracting same and different compared to infants not given labels and that infants given object labels (Experiment 2) will be hindered relative to those not given labels. We found no evidence for either prediction. In Experiment 1, infants who had heard relational labels did not benefit compared to infants who had received no labels (Ferry et al., 2015). In Experiment 2, infants who had heard object labels showed the same patterns as those in Ferry et al. (2015), suggesting that object labels had no effect. This finding is important because it highlights a key difference between the relational learning abilities of infants and those seen in older children, pointing to a protracted process by which language and relational learning become entwined.

Brief Interventions Influence the Quantity and Quality of Caregiver-Child Conversations in an Everyday Context.

Reading and arithmetic are difficult cognitive feats for children to master and youth from low-income communities are often less "school ready" in terms of letter and number recognition skills (Lee and Burkam, 2002). One way to prepare children for school is by encouraging caregivers to engage children in conversations about academically-relevant concepts by using numbers, recognizing shapes, and naming colors (Levine et al., 2010; Fisher et al., 2013). Previous research shows that caregiver-child conversations about these topics rarely take place in everyday contexts (Hassinger-Das et al., 2018), but interventions designed to encourage such conversations, like displaying signs in a grocery store, have resulted in significant increases in caregiver-child conversations (Ridge et al., 2015; Hanner et al., 2019). We investigated whether a similar brief intervention could change caregiver-child conversations in an everyday context. We observed 212 families in a volunteer-run facility where people who are food-insecure can select food from available donations. Volunteers greet all the clients as they pass through the aisles, offer food, and restock the shelves as needed. About 25% of the clients have children with them and our data consist of observations of the caregiver-child conversations with 2- to 10-year-old children. Half of the observation days consisted of a baseline condition in which the quantity and quality of caregiver-child conversation was observed as the client went through aisles where no signs were displayed, and volunteers merely greeted the clients. The other half of the observation days consisted of a brief intervention where signs were displayed (signs-up condition), where, volunteers greeted the clients and pointed out that there were signs displayed to entertain the children if they were interested. In addition, there was a within-subject manipulation for the intervention condition where each family interacted with two different categories of signs. Half of the signs had academically-relevant content and the other half had non-academically-relevant content. The results demonstrate that the brief intervention used in the signs-up condition increases the quantity of conversation between a caregiver and child. In addition, signs with academically-relevant content increases the quality of the conversation. These findings provide further evidence that brief interventions in an everyday context can change the caregiver-child conversation. Specifically, signs with academically-relevant content may promote school readiness.

Language acquisition: when does the learning begin?

Language acquisition is quite sophisticated by four months of age. Two cues that babies use to discriminate their language from another are the stress patterns of words and visual cues inherent in language production.

Conceptual precursors to language.

Because human languages vary in sound and meaning, children must learn which distinctions their language uses. For speech perception, this learning is selective: initially infants are sensitive to most acoustic distinctions used in any language, and this sensitivity reflects basic properties of the auditory system rather than mechanisms specific to language; however, infants' sensitivity to non-native sound distinctions declines over the course of the first year. Here we ask whether a similar process governs learning of word meanings. We investigated the sensitivity of 5-month-old infants in an English-speaking environment to a conceptual distinction that is marked in Korean but not English; that is, the distinction between 'tight' and 'loose' fit of one object to another. Like adult Korean speakers but unlike adult English speakers, these infants detected this distinction and divided a continuum of motion-into-contact actions into tight- and loose-fit categories. Infants' sensitivity to this distinction is linked to representations of object mechanics that are shared by non-human animals. Language learning therefore seems to develop by linking linguistic forms to universal, pre-existing representations of sound and meaning.

Categorization in 3- and 4-month-old infants: an advantage of words over tones.

Neonates prefer human speech to other nonlinguistic auditory stimuli. However, it remains an open question whether there are any conceptual consequences of words on object categorization in infants younger than 6 months. The current study examined the influence of words and tones on object categorization in forty-six 3- to 4-month-old infants. Infants were familiarized to different exemplars of a category accompanied by either a labeling phrase or a tone sequence. In test, infants viewed novel category and new within-category exemplars. Infants who heard labeling phrases provided evidence of categorization at test while infants who heard tone sequences did not, suggesting that infants as young as 3 months of age treat words and tones differently vis-à-vis object categorization.

Five-month-old infants have different expectations for solids and liquids.

Many studies have established that 2-month-old infants have knowledge of solid objects' basic physical properties. Evidence about infants' understanding of nonsolid substances, however, is relatively sparse and equivocal. We present two experiments demonstrating that 5-month-old infants have distinct expectations for how solids and liquids behave. Experiment 1 showed that infants use the motion cues from the surface of a contained liquid or solid to predict whether it will pour or tumble from a cup if the cup is upended. Experiment 2 extended these findings to show that motion cues lead to distinct expectations about whether a new object will pass through or remain on top of a substance. Together, these experiments demonstrate that 5-month-old infants are able to use movement cues and solidity to discriminate a liquid from an object of similar appearance, providing the earliest evidence that infants can reason about nonsolid substances.

To generalize or not to generalize: spatial categories are influenced by physical attributes and language.

The current work explored the conditions under which infants generalize spatial relationships from one event to another. English-learning 5-month-olds habituated to a tight- or loose-fit covering event dishabituated to a change in fit during a containment test event, but infants habituated to a visually similar occlusion event did not. Thus, infants' responses appeared to be driven by the physical nature of the fit rather than visual similarity. This response pattern was replicated with Korean-speaking adults, but English-speaking adults showed no sensitivity to change in fit for either event. These findings suggest that language development links linguistic forms to universal, pre-existing representations of meaning, and that linguistic experience can shape sensitivity to distinctions that are marked in one's native language.

Infants' ability to parse continuous actions.

In a series of 3 experiments, the authors examined 6- and 8-month-old infants' capacities to detect target actions in a continuous action sequence. In Experiment 1, infants were habituated to 2 different target actions and subsequently were presented with 2 continuous action sequences that either included or did not include the familiar target actions. Infants looked significantly longer at the sequences that were novel. Experiment 2 presented the habituation and test trials in the reverse order. The results showed that infants habituated to the sequence still showed reliable evidence of recognizing the target action during the test trials. Experiment 3 was comparable to Experiment 2, except it tested whether infants could detect a different event segment, namely the transitions between events. The results showed that infants did not discriminate between test trials suggesting that transitions between events are not as easy for infants to recognize.

Concepts of objects and substances in language.

People distinguish objects from the substances that constitute them. Many languages also distinguish count nouns and mass nouns. What is the relation between these two distinctions? The connection between them is complicated by the facts that (a) some mass nouns (e.g., toast) seem to name countable objects; (b) some count and mass nouns (e.g., pots and pottery) seem to name the same objects; (c) nouns for seemingly the same things can be count in one language (English: dishes) but mass in another (French: la vaisselle); (d) count nouns can be used to name substances (There is carrot in the soup) and mass nouns to name portions (She drank three whiskeys); and (e) some languages (e.g., Mandarin) appear to have no count nouns, whereas others (e.g., Yudja) appear to have no mass nouns. All these cases counter a simple object-to-count-noun and substance-to-mass-noun relation, but they provide opportunities to see whether the grammatical distinction affects the referential one. We examine evidence from such cases and find continuity through development: Infants appear to have the conceptual OBJECT/SUBSTANCE distinction very early on. Although this distinction may change with development, the acquisition of count/mass syntax does not appear to be an effective factor for change.

Young infants' actions reveal their developing knowledge of support variables: converging evidence for violation-of-expectation findings.

Violation-of-expectation (VOE) tasks have revealed substantial developments in young infants' knowledge about support events: by 5.5 months, infants expect an object to fall when released against but not on a surface; and by 6.5 months, infants expect an object to fall when released with 15% but not 100% of its bottom on a surface. Here we investigated whether action tasks would reveal the same developmental pattern. Consistent with VOE reports, 5.5- and 6.5-month-old infants were more likely to reach for a toy that rested on as opposed to against a surface; and 6.5- but not 5.5-month-olds were more likely to reach for a toy with 100% as opposed to 15% of its bottom on a surface. Infants at each age thus used their support knowledge to determine whether the toys were likely to be retrievable or to be attached to adjacent surfaces and hence irretrievable. These and control findings extend recent evidence that developmental patterns observed in VOE tasks also hold in action tasks, and as such provide further support for the view that VOE and action tasks tap the same physical knowledge.

Five-month-old infants have expectations for the accumulation of nonsolid substances.

Infants fail to represent quantities of non-cohesive substances in paradigms where they succeed with solid objects. Some investigators have interpreted these results as evidence that infants do not yet have representations for substances. More recent research, however, shows that 5-month-old infants expect objects and substances to behave and interact in different ways. In the present experiments, we test whether infants have expectations for substances when the outcomes are not simply the opposite of those for objects. In Experiment 1, we find that 5-month-old infants expect that when a cup of sand pours behind a screen, it will accumulate in just one pile rather than two. Similarly, infants expect that when two cups of sand pour in separate streams, two distinct piles will accumulate rather than one. Infants look significantly longer at outcomes with an inconsistent number of piles, providing evidence that infants have expectations for how sand accumulates. To test whether the number of cups or the number of pours guided expectations about accumulation, Experiment 2 placed these cues in conflict. This resulted in chance performance, suggesting that, for infants to build expectations about these outcomes, they need both cues (cup and pour) to converge. These findings offer insight into the nature of infants' representations for non-cohesive substances like sand.

Comparison within pairs promotes analogical abstraction in three-month-olds.

This research tests whether analogical learning is present before language comprehension. Three-month-old infants were habituated to a series of analogous pairs, instantiating either the same relation (e.g., AA, BB, etc.) or the different relation (e.g., AB, CD, etc.), and then tested with further exemplars of the relations. If they can distinguish the familiar relation from the novel relation, even with new objects, this is evidence for analogical abstraction across the study pairs. In Experiment 1, we did not find evidence of analogical abstraction when 3-month-olds were habituated to six pairs instantiating the relation. However, in Experiment 2, infants showed evidence of analogical abstraction after habituation to two alternating pairs (e.g., AA, BB, AA, BB…). Further, as with older groups, rendering individual objects salient disrupted learning the relation. These results demonstrate that 3-month-old infants are capable of comparison and abstraction of the same/different relation. Our findings also place limits on the conditions under which these processes are likely to occur. We discuss implications for theories of relational learning.

Automated analysis of written narratives reveals abnormalities in referential cohesion in youth at ultra high risk for psychosis.

Schizophrenia and at-risk populations are suggested to exhibit referential cohesion deficits in language production (e.g., producing fewer pronouns or nouns that clearly link to concepts from previous sentences). Much of this work has focused on transcribed speech samples, while no work to our knowledge has examined referential cohesion in written narratives among ultra high risk (UHR) youth using Coh-Metrix, an automated analysis tool. In the present study, written narratives from 84 individuals (UHR=41, control=43) were examined. Referential cohesion variables and relationships with symptoms and relevant cognitive variables were also investigated. Findings reveal less word "stem" overlap in narratives produced by UHR youth compared to controls, and correlations with symptom domains and verbal learning. The present study highlights the potential usefulness of automated analysis of written narratives in identifying at-risk youth and these data provide critical information in better understanding the etiology of psychosis. As writing production is commonly elicited in educational contexts, markers of aberrant cohesion in writing represent significant potential for identifying youth who could benefit from further screening, and utilizing software that is easily accessible and free may provide utility in academic and clinical settings.