POVERTY, INFANT MORTALITY, AND HOMICIDE RATES IN CROSS-NATIONAL PERPSECTIVE: ASSESSMENTS OF CRITERION AND CONSTRUCT VALIDITY.

This paper assesses the extent to which the infant mortality rate might be treated as a "proxy" for poverty in research on cross-national variation in homicide rates. We have assembled a pooled, cross-sectional time-series dataset for 16 advanced nations over the 1993-2000 period that includes standard measures of infant mortality and homicide and also contains information on two commonly used "income-based" poverty measures: a measure intended to reflect "absolute" deprivation and a measure intended to reflect "relative" deprivation. With these data, we are able to assess the criterion validity of the infant mortality rate with reference to the two income-based poverty measures. We are also able to estimate the effects of the various indicators of disadvantage on homicide rates in regression models, thereby assessing construct validity. The results reveal that the infant mortality rate is more strongly correlated with "relative poverty" than with "absolute poverty," although much unexplained variance remains. In the regression models, the measure of infant mortality and the relative poverty measure yield significant positive effects on homicide rates, while the absolute poverty measure does not exhibit any significant effects. Our analyses suggest that it would be premature to dismiss relative deprivation in cross-national research on homicide, and that disadvantage is best conceptualized and measured as a multidimensional construct.

The effects of changes in the World Health Organization's International Classification of Diseases on suicide rates in 71 countries, 1950-1999.

The World Health Organization (WHO) provides annual mortality statistics from 1950 onward based on the International Classification of Diseases (ICD). In this paper we evaluate the effects of ICD form revisions on suicide rates for 71 countries. The changes between ICD-6, ICD-7, ICD-8, and ICD-9 did not have an overall effect on reported suicide rates. The transitions to ICD-8 and ICD-9 were, however, associated with country-specific changes in the suicide rate in some countries. The change from ICD-9 to ICD-10 was associated with an overall change of -.73 suicides per 100,000 inhabitants. It is recommended that researchers using the WHO mortality data for longitudinal cross-national studies control for the ICD form used at different time points.

Trends in the Family Income Distribution by Race/Ethnicity and Income Source, 1988-2009.

The recent dramatic rise in U.S. income inequality has prompted a great deal of research on trends in overall family income and changes in sources of family income, especially among the highest income earners. However, less is known about changes in sources of income among the bottom 99% or about racial/ethnic differences in those trends. The present research contributes to the literatures on income trends and racial economic inequality by using family-level data from the 1988-2009 Current Population Survey to examine changes in overall family income and the proportion of income coming from employment, property/assets, and transfers across five different levels of family income for white-, black, and Hispanic-headed families. We find that at all income levels above the 25th percentile, employment income is by far the largest contributor to family income for all racial/ethnic groups. Employment income trended upward over the period in both real dollars and as a percentage of total family income. In this respect, white, black and Hispanic families are remarkably similar. The racial gap in total family income has remained fairly stable over the period, but this trend conceals a narrowing of racial differences in property income, mostly as a function of the decline in property income among whites, a widening of racial differences in transfer income among the bottom 25%, and a widening of racial differences in employment income, particularly at the top of the family income distribution. Income accrued from wealth is a very small component of overall family income for all three racial groups, even for the highest-income families (top 1%).

Family Income at the Bottom and at the Top: Income Sources and Family Characteristics.

Attention has recently been focused on wealth as a source of long-term economic security and on wealth ownership as a crucial aspect of the racial economic divisions in the United States. This literature, however has been concerned primarily with the wealth gap between poor and middle-class families, and between the white and black middle class. In this paper, we investigate the incomes of families at the top and bottom of the family income distribution. We examine the sources of income and the demographic characteristics of these high-income and low-income families using family level data from the 1988-2003 Current Population Surveys.We find that, at the bottom of the distribution, transfer income is the major income source; in particular, income from social security, supplemental security, and public assistance. At the top, employment income is the largest component of family income. Non-white, female, and non-married householders are disproportionately located at the bottom of the family income distribution. These families consist of both young and old adults, with high-school educations or less, in low-level service occupations. Many are disabled, many are retired. Householders at the top of the income distribution are typically male, white, and married. Householders and spouses at the top are typically middle-age, with college educations, employed in professional service and managerial occupations.We find that wealth is not an important source of income for families at the highest percentiles. The highest income families during this period in the U.S. were not a "property elite": their income is mostly from employment. We speculate, however, that they will join the "property elite" later in the life-course as they retire and receive income from their investments.