Racial Disparities in Neighborhood Arrest Rates during the COVID-19 Pandemic.

Structural racism in police contact is an important driver of health inequities among the U.S. urban population. Hyper-policing and police violence in marginalized communities have risen to the top of the national policy agenda, particularly since protests in 2020. How did pandemic conditions impact policing? We assess neighborhood racial disparities in arrests after COVID-19 stay-at-home orders in Boston, Charleston, Pittsburgh, and San Francisco census tracts (January 2019-August 2020). Using interrupted time series models with census tract fixed effects, we report arrest rates across tract racial and ethnic compositions. In the weeks following stay-at-home orders, overall arrest rates were 39% lower (95% CI: 37-41%) on average compared to rates the year prior. Although arrest rates steadily increased thereafter, most tracts did not reach pre-pandemic arrest levels. However, despite declines in nearly all census tracts, the magnitude of racial inequities in arrests remained unchanged. During the initial weeks of the pandemic, arrest rates declined significantly in areas with higher Black populations, but average rates in Black neighborhoods remained higher than pre-pandemic arrest rates in White neighborhoods. These findings support urban policy reforms that reconsider police capacity and presence, particularly as a mechanism for enforcing public health ordinances and reducing racial disparities.

Prenatal healthcare after sentencing reform: heterogeneous effects for prenatal healthcare access and equity.

BACKGROUND: High rates of imprisonment in the U.S. have significant health, social, and economic consequences, particularly for marginalized communities. This study examines imprisonment as a contextual driver of receiving prenatal care by evaluating whether early and adequate prenatal care improved after Pennsylvania's criminal sentencing reform reduced prison admissions. METHODS: We linked individual-level birth certificate microdata on births (n = 999,503) in Pennsylvania (2009-2015), to monthly county-level rates of prison admissions. We apply an interrupted time series approach that contrasts post-policy changes in early and adequate prenatal care across counties where prison admissions were effectively reduced or continued to rise. We then tested whether prenatal care improvements were stronger among Black birthing people and those with lower levels of educational attainment. RESULTS: In counties where prison admissions declined the most after the policy, early prenatal care increased from 69.0% to 73.2%, and inadequate prenatal care decreased from 18.1% to 15.9%. By comparison, improvements in early prenatal care were smaller in counties where prison admissions increased the most post-policy (73.5 to 76.4%) and there was no change to prenatal care inadequacy (14.4% pre and post). We find this pattern of improvements to be particularly strong among Black birthing people and those with lower levels of educational attainment. CONCLUSIONS: Pennsylvania's sentencing reforms were associated with small advancements in racial and socioeconomic equity in prenatal care.

Evaluating Firearm Violence After New Jersey's Cash Bail Reform.

Importance: Reducing the pretrial detention population has been a cornerstone of movements to end mass incarceration. Across many US cities, there are ongoing public debates on policies that would end pretrial detention due to the inability to afford bail, with some raising concerns that doing so would increase community violence. Objective: To evaluate changes in firearm violence after New Jersey's 2017 bail reform policy that eliminated financial barriers to avoiding pretrial detention. Design, Setting, and Participants: This case-control study used synthetic control methods to examine changes in firearm mortality and combined fatal and nonfatal shootings in New Jersey (2014-2019). New Jersey was chosen because it was one of the first states to systematically implement cash bail reform. Outcomes in New Jersey were compared with a weighted combination of 36 states that did not implement any kind of reform to pretrial detention during the study period. Data were analyzed from April 2023 to March 2024. Exposure: Implementation of New Jersey's cash bail reform law in 2017. Main Outcomes and Measures: Quarterly rates of fatal and nonfatal firearm assault injuries and firearm self-harm injuries per 100 000 people. Results: Although New Jersey's pretrial detention population dramatically decreased under bail reform, the study did not find evidence of increases in overall firearm mortality (average treatment effect on the treated, -0.26 deaths per 100 000) or gun violence (average treatment effect on the treated, -0.24 deaths per 100 000), or within racialized groups during the postpolicy period. Conclusions and Relevance: Incarceration and gun violence are major public health problems impacting racially and economically marginalized groups. Cash bail reform may be an important tool for reducing pretrial detention and advancing health equity without exacerbating community violence.

School closures significantly reduced arrests of black and latinx urban youth.

BACKGROUND & METHODS: Youth of color are surveilled and arrested by police at higher rates than their White peers, contributing to racial inequities across the life course and in population health. Previous research points to schools as an increasingly relevant site for youth criminalization, but existing studies emphasize within-school mechanisms, with limited analysis of policing in surrounding school areas. To fill this gap, we study changes in police arrests of youth after initial COVID-19 school closures in 2020 across four US cities overall and in relation to public school locations. We analyze geocoded arrest records and use interrupted time series negative binomial regression models with city and month fixed effects to estimate change in weekly arrest rates among White, Black, and Latinx youth. We estimate arrest densities within school areas before and after school closures using spatial buffers of 300 feet. RESULTS: In the immediate weeks and months following COVID-19 pandemic school closures, youth arrest rates fell dramatically and with lasting impacts compared to other age groups. During the period of remote learning, weekly youth arrest rates declined by 54.0% compared to youth arrests rates in 2019, adjusting for city and seasonality (Incident Rate Ratio 0.46, 95% CI: 0.41, 0.52). We estimate Black youth weekly arrests fell from 43.6 to 16.8 per 100,000, vs. 4.6 to 2.2 per 100,000 among White youth. However, Black youth arrest rates during the remote learning period were still nearly 5 times that of White youth pre-pandemic. We also find that youth arrest rates declined during two school closure periods: at the start of the pandemic in 2020 and during Summer 2019. A spatial analysis shows Black and Latinx youth arrest densities in the surrounding 300 feet of K-12 schools were at least 15 and 8.5 times that of White youth, respectively, in both pre- and remote-learning periods. CONCLUSIONS: Black and Latinx youth face a higher likelihood of being arrested near a school than do White youth and older age groups, and racial inequities in arrests remains after school closures. Our findings show school closures significantly reduced arrests of urban youth of color, and policies addressing youth criminalization and structural racism should consider the joint spatial context of schools and policing. Although school closures may have resulted in learning loss and harms to youth wellbeing, closures interrupted comparatively high levels of arrest for Black and Latinx youth.

The impact of carceral churn and healthcare organizations on HIV/AIDS incidence in Arkansas.

•Penal and healthcare institutions generate and mitigate community-level health inequality, respectively.•Arkansas Counties with high prison churn and disadvantage have higher rates of HIV/AIDS.•Hospital density moderates effect of prison churn on incidence of HIV/AIDS.

The consequences of Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act for police arrests.

BACKGROUND & METHODS: National protests in the summer of 2020 drew attention to the significant presence of police in marginalized communities. Recent social movements have called for substantial police reforms, including "defunding the police," a phrase originating from a larger, historical abolition movement advocating that public investments be redirected away from the criminal justice system and into social services and health care. Although research has demonstrated the expansive role of police to respond a broad range of social problems and health emergencies, existing research has yet to fully explore the capacity for health insurance policy to influence rates of arrest in the population. To fill this gap, we examine the potential effect of Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) on arrests in 3,035 U.S. counties. We compare county-level arrests using FBI Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program Data before and after Medicaid expansion in 2014-2016, relative to counties in non-expansion states. We use difference-in-differences (DID) models to estimate the change in arrests following Medicaid expansion for overall arrests, and violent, drug, and low-level arrests. RESULTS: Police arrests significantly declined following the expansion of Medicaid under the ACA. Medicaid expansion produced a 20-32% negative difference in overall arrests rates in the first three years. We observe the largest negative differences for drug arrests: we find a 25-41% negative difference in drug arrests in the three years following Medicaid expansion, compared to non-expansion counties. We observe a 19-29% negative difference in arrests for violence in the three years after Medicaid expansion, and a decrease in low-level arrests between 24-28% in expansion counties compared to non-expansion counties. Our main results for drug arrests are robust to multiple sensitivity analyses, including a state-level model. CONCLUSIONS: Evidence in this paper suggests that expanded Medicaid insurance reduced police arrests, particularly drug-related arrests. Combined with research showing the harmful health consequences of chronic policing in disadvantaged communities, greater insurance coverage creates new avenues for individuals to seek care, receive treatment, and avoid criminalization. As police reform is high on the agenda at the local, state, and federal level, our paper supports the perspective that broad health policy reforms can meaningfully reduce contact with the criminal justice system under historic conditions of mass criminalization.

Clustering of health burdens in solitary confinement: A mixed-methods approach.

Research on the mental health consequences of solitary confinement has contributed to restrictions on its use, particularly for people with serious mental illness. However, solitary confinement continues to isolate people with physical and mental health problems, even where its use has been restricted. This mixed-methods analysis seeks to evaluate the practice of solitary confinement on mental and physical health using data from a sample of 99 men in Pennsylvania. We first describe patterns of multimorbidity among men in solitary confinement using a latent class analysis to group individuals with shared demographic attributes and mental and physical health conditions. We then use thematic analysis to explore how men from each of these groups experienced and managed health concerns in solitary confinement. Our findings describe significant physical and mental health burdens and unmet healthcare needs. Over three-quarters of respondents reported a physical health diagnosis such as heart disease or diabetes, and over half reported a mental health diagnosis, including anxiety, depression, and schizophrenia. Those with pre-existing, often multiple, health issues struggled to maintain their health given restrictions to daily living, isolated idle time, and limited healthcare access in solitary confinement. These aspects of solitary confinement also challenged those who entered solitary in relatively good health. These findings demonstrate the struggle for self-advocacy in maintaining health and healthcare access under extreme conditions of confinement and point to the need to prevent the health harms of solitary confinement by further restricting its use.

The population prevalence of solitary confinement.

Solitary confinement is a severe form of incarceration closely associated with long-lasting psychological harm and poor post-release outcomes. Estimating the population prevalence, we find that 11% of all black men in Pennsylvania, born 1986 to 1989, were incarcerated in solitary confinement by age 32. Reflecting large racial disparities, the population prevalence is only 3.4% for Latinos and 1.4% for white men. About 9% of black men in the state cohort were held in solitary for more than 15 consecutive days, violating the United Nations standards for minimum treatment of incarcerated people. Nearly 1 in 100 black men experienced solitary for a year or longer by age 32. Racial disparities are similar for women, but rates are lower. A decomposition shows that black men's high risk of solitary confinement stems primarily from their high imprisonment rate. Findings suggest that harsh conditions of U.S. incarceration have population-level effects on black men's well-being.

Drug use in the year after prison.

With poor health and widespread drug problems in the U.S. prison population, post-prison drug use provides an important measure of both public health and social integration following incarceration. We study the correlates of drug use with data from the Boston Reentry Study (BRS), a survey of men and women interviewed four times over the year after prison release. The BRS data allow an analysis of legal and illegal drug use, and the correlation between them. We find that illegal drug use is associated with histories of drug problems and childhood trauma. Use of medications is associated with poor physical health and a history of mental illness. Legal and illegal drug use are not strongly correlated. Results suggest that in a Medicaid expansion state where health coverage is widely provided to people leaving prison, formerly-incarcerated men and women use medications, not illegal drugs, to address their health needs.

Analyzing Child Firearm Assault Injuries by Race and Ethnicity During the COVID-19 Pandemic in 4 Major US Cities.

This cross-sectional study examines changes in rates and disparities of fatal and nonfatal firearm assaults among children in New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, and Philadelphia before and during the COVID-19 pandemic.