How do mothers' childrearing histories, stress and parenting affect children's behavioural outcomes?

BACKGROUND: Information is needed to understand the role of low to moderate levels of mothers' emotional stress and child characteristics (i.e. prematurity) on parenting behaviours and their impact on children's behaviour that might be deemed 'challenging' but not 'disordered'. METHODS: The direct and indirect relations of maternal childrearing history and emotional stress, and observed parenting practices when children were 3 years of age on 4-year child behavioural outcomes was examined in a sample of low-income families with a term (n=112) or preterm (n=180) child. Parenting practices included displays of warmth and restrictiveness when interacting with their children. Child outcomes at 4 years included observation of social initiations with their mothers and maternal report of social and attentional problems. RESULTS: A Structural Equation Model building approach guided by specific hypotheses indicated that preterm as compared to full-term children had more maternal reported social and attentional problems but did not differ in observed social initiating skills. Greater negative maternal childrearing history indirectly influenced social initiating skills through its direct influence on maternal emotional stress. Greater maternal emotional stress directly influenced mothers' parenting that, in turn, directly influenced social initiating. Prematurity and a more negative childrearing history had a direct negative influence on the maternal report of social and attentional behavioural outcomes. CONCLUSIONS: These findings delineate the effects of prematurity and maternal parenting on the behaviour of 4-year-old-children and extend current knowledge of the influence of parental emotional stress on parenting. Even milder levels can negatively influence parenting, and in turn, contribute to children's less well developed social skills. The issues raised in this study could help with the identification and prioritization of medical and psychological services.

Does early responsive parenting have a special importance for children's development or is consistency across early childhood necessary?

The role of early versus ongoing maternal responsiveness in predicting cognitive and social development was examined in home visits for mothers, full-term children (n = 103), and medically low-risk (n = 102) and high-risk (n = 77) preterm children at 5 ages. There were 4 maternal clusters based on warm and contingent responsiveness behaviors observed early (at 6, 12, and 24 months) and late (at 3 and 4 years): high early, high late; high early, low late; low early, moderate late; and low early, low late. Children, especially preterm children, showed faster cognitive growth when mothers were consistently responsive. Social growth was similar in the consistently responsive (high-high) and the early-responsive inconsistent (high-low) clusters, but greater deceleration at 4 years among children with mothers in the inconsistent cluster refuted the notion of a unique role for early responsiveness. The importance of consistent responsiveness, defined by an affective-emotional construct, was evident even when a broader constellation of parenting behaviors was considered.