Prosodic structure and wh-questions.

This study examines the influence of wh-gaps on the prosodic contour of spoken utterances. A previous study (Nagel, Shapiro, & Nawy, 1994) claimed that the phonological representation of a sentence containing a filler-gap dependency explicitly encodes the location of the syntactic gap. In support of this hypothesis, Nagel et al. presented evidence that the word immediately preceding a gap is lengthened and that there is a reliable increase in pitch excursion across the gap location. Our study challenges Nagel et al.'s claim. We argue that their materials confounded the presence/ absence of a gap with other factors that are known to affect intonational phrasing independently. We show that, when these factors are separated, the evidence that syntactic gaps are explicitly encoded in the phonological representation of a sentence disappears.

Levels of morphological deficit: indications from inflectional regularity.

A language impairment that affects the production of inflected and/or derived words may result from a deficit that specifically affects morphological processing mechanisms, but it might also arise from whole-word processing failures as well (Badecker & Caramazza, 1987; Funnell, 1987). However, to motivate a true morphological impairment, the deficit must be understood in terms of one or more different levels of morphological structure. Minimally, we can distinguish a word's morphosyntactic representation from its morphophonological representation. In the single-case study reported here a deficit affecting the representation or processing of morphosyntactic representations is motivated. A critical part of the argument is that the deficit affects both regular and irregular inflection, and that no whole-word processing deficit can account for the particular pattern observed in this patient.

The two-stage model of lexical retrieval: evidence from a case of anomia with selective preservation of grammatical gender.

The two-stage theory of lexical production distinguishes the retrieval of lemmas from the subsequent retrieval of the forms of words. The information made available by lemma retrieval includes semantic and grammatical details that are specific to a particular word, but not the direct specification of its phonological or orthographic form. This theory makes very strong predictions regarding the dissociability of these information types. In this report, we present the case of an Italian anomic patient whose performance bears on these predictions. In various naming tasks this patient's intact ability to identify the grammatical gender of words that he cannot produce stands in stark contrast with his inability to provide any information regarding particular lexical forms. We document the reliability of this performance pattern, and we discuss the significance of this pattern both in terms of the support it provides for the two-stage theory of lexical retrieval and in terms of the evidence it furnishes regarding the mental specification of grammatical information.

Clinical syndromes are not God's gift to cognitive neuropsychology: a reply to a rebuttal to an answer to a response to the case against syndrome-based research.

In this paper we consider several issues about single-patient versus syndrome-based research in response to E. Zurif, D. Swinney, and J. A. Fodor's (1991, Brain and Cognition, 16, 198-210) criticism of A. Caramazza and W. Badecker (1989, Brain and Cognition, 10, 256-295). We argue that these authors have failed to provide convincing arguments in favor of syndrome-based research. In particular, we show that the specific example--a study by D. Swinney, E. Zurif, and J. Nicol (1989, Journal of Cognitive Neurosciences, 1, 25-37)--given by these authors as a demonstration of the usefulness of syndrome-based research to inform theories of normal language processing does not in fact serve this purpose.

Varieties of sentence comprehension deficits: a case study.

In recent publications, Grodzinsky (1984, 1986, 1990) has offered a new theory of the disruption of sentence comprehension in so-called agrammatic aphasics. In these works Grodzinsky contends that his account, which is based in various ways on the formal apparatus of current syntactic theory (Chomsky, 1981), is an accurate and explanatory characterization of the preserved language of all those who present with both agrammatic sentence production and asyntactic sentence comprehension. We argue that this claim is not in accord with the facts. We present a detailed case study of the sentence comprehension performance of a patient who is clinically categorized as agrammatic. This patient's performance on full and truncated passives, and on subject- and object-cleft sentences fails each of Grodzinsky's predictions for these sentence types. We argue that whether there exists any patient who does exhibit the predicted performance pattern is also in serious doubt.

Lexical morphology and its role in the writing process: evidence from a case of acquired dysgraphia.

A case of acquired dysgraphia is presented in which the deficit is attributed to an impairment at the level of the Graphemic Output Buffer. It is argued that this patient's performance can be used to identify the representational character of the processing units that are stored in the Orthographic Output Lexicon. In particular, it is argued that the distribution of spelling errors and the types of lexical items which affect error rates indicate that the lexical representations passed from the lexical output system to the Graphemic Output Buffer correspond to the productive morphemes of the language.

Patient classification in neuropsychological research.

In a number of papers we have been concerned with the type of inferences that are legitimate in "experiments of nature" where the experimenter does not and cannot control the modifications to the cognitive system that are introduced by brain damage. We have argued that in such cases very restrictive conditions must be met in order to be able to draw valid inferences about the structure of normal cognitive mechanisms. Two consequences of these conditions are (1) patient classification into syndrome types (e.g., phonological dysgraphia, agrammatism, and so forth) can play no useful role in research concerned with issues about the structure of normal cognitive functioning or its dissolution under conditions of brain damage; and (2) only single-patient studies allow valid inferences about the structure of cognitive mechanisms from the analysis of impaired performance. Zurif, Gardner, and Brownell (1989, Brain and Cognition, 10, 237-255) have taken exception to our conclusions and propose to show the limitations of our arguments. In this paper we respond to their criticisms.

The analysis of morphological errors in a case of acquired dyslexia.

An issue that is persistently raised in studies of subjects who produce morphological errors in reading and other tasks is whether these errors are the consequence of a morphological processing deficit, or whether they in any way reflect morphological principles of organization in the lexicon. We discuss the performance of one such subject on a number of tasks and evaluate standard arguments for attributing aspects of his performance to a morphological processing deficit. Although there are several features of his performance that are suggestive in this regard; we argue that, when these issues are addressed in the context of a sufficiently elaborated theory of lexical processing, a morphological processing deficit cannot be demonstrated. We also survey a number of recent reports that purport to provide evidence for a morphological processing deficit and argue that, in most cases, they fail to support such claims for similar reasons. An important moral to be drawn from a critique of these studies is that in order to make valid inferences concerning the role of morphology in organizing the lexicon, we must consider these errors in the context of theories of the lexicon that take seriously the effects of converging lexical factors in processing.