Lessons learned from conceptualising and operationalising the National Adolescent Health Programme or Rashtriya Kishor Swasthya Karyakram's Learning Districts Initiative in six districts of India.

In 2018, WHO with the support of the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, India and partner organisations launched a Learning Districts Initiative to strengthen the district-level application of the National Adolescent Health Programme and to draw out lessons. An assessment of this initiative from 2019 to 2023 using qualitative and quantitative programme monitoring data from interviews, discussions, observations and data from multiple secondary sources explored the evolution of the concept, the process of securing government agreement, operationalising the initiative and the feasibility, acceptability, effectiveness and the potential of sustainability and replicability within the government health system. As part of the process, WHO developed the concept with partners to address the challenges identified in a Rapid Programme Review requested by the Ministry. The Ministry concurred with the proposed participatory problem identification and problem-solving approach. A review-based process guided the implementation. Local non-government organisations supported District Health Management Units to strengthen planning, implementation and monitoring. An expert in adolescent health provided technical oversight. Three years later in 2022, adolescent health is on district agendas, staff capacity has been built, and clinic and community-based activities are carried out in a structured manner. The Initiative is feasible as it leverages local expertise. Its core interventions are acceptable to government officials. While there are improvements in inputs, processes and outputs, these need to be independently validated. Challenges such as unfilled vacancies, problems in supply procurement, inability of staff to discuss sensitive issues, weak intersectoral convergence and low engagement of adolescents in programme management remain to be addressed. Nevertheless, the overall experience augurs well for the future of the programme.

Adolescent health programming in India: a rapid review.

BACKGROUND: Recognizing the potential of the country's large youth population and the importance of protecting and supporting its health and well-being, the Government of India committed to strengthening its programmes and systems for adolescents, initially through the Adolescent Reproductive and Sexual Health Strategy (ARSH) launched in 2005 and, subsequently, through the National Adolescent Health Programme (Rashtriya Kishore Swaasthya Karyakram or RKSK) launched in 2014. In 2016, in response to a request from the Government of India, the World Health Organisation undertook a rapid programme review of ARSH and RKSK at the national level and in four states (Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Uttarakhand) to identify and document lessons learnt in relation to four domains of the programmes (governance, implementation, monitoring and linkages) that could be used to enhance current and future adolescent health programming in India. METHODOLOGY AND FINDINGS: A rapid programme review methodology was utilised to gain an overview of the successes and challenges of the two adolescent health programmes. A desk review of policy statements, Program Implementation Plans (PIPs) (Program Implementation Plan (PIP) is an annual process of planning, approval and allocation of budgets of various programmes under the National Health Mission (NHM). It is also used for monitoring of physical and financial progress made against the approved activities and budget. ), reports and data provided by the four State governments was conducted alongside 70 semi-structured interviews with health, education and NGO officials at national, state, district and block levels. Data showed that the ARSH Strategy put adolescent health on the agenda for the first time in India, though insufficient human and financial resources were mobilised to ensure maximum impact. Further, the Strategy's focus on clinical service provision in a limited number of health facilities with a complementary focus on promoting community support and adolescent demand for them meant that services were not as easily accessible to adolescents in their communities, and in addition many were not even aware of them. Under RKSK, significant investment has been made in adequate management structures, as well as in community engagement and clinical service delivery at all levels of the health system. Monitoring the quality of service delivery remains a challenge in all four of the states, as does training of counsellors, nodal officers and other implementing partners. Additionally, further thought and action are required to ensure that peer educators are properly trained, supported and retained for the programme. CONCLUSIONS: India's RKSK clearly integrated learning from the earlier ARSH Strategy. The findings of this review present an opportunity for the government and its partners to ensure that future investment in adolescent health programming continues to be framed around lessons learnt across India.

How can collective action between government sectors to prevent child marriage be operationalized? Evidence from a post-hoc evaluation of an intervention in Jamui, Bihar and Sawai Madhopur, Rajasthan in India.

BACKGROUND: Although the need for multi-faceted and multi-sectoral approaches to address the multidimensional issue of child marriage is well-acknowledged, there is a dearth of documented experience on the process of implementing and managing such programmes. METHODS: WHO evaluated a district-level, government-led multi-sectoral intervention to address child marriage in Jamui, Bihar and Sawai Madhopur, Rajasthan, implemented by MAMTA Health Institute for Mother and Child (MAMTA). We evaluated the intervention's design, implementation, monitoring, and outputs and identified key challenges and successes. RESULTS: Through actions at the state and district levels, the intervention succeeded in creating a cascade effect to stimulate more concerted action at block and village levels, with tangible intersectoral convergence occurring at the village level. The success factors we identified included an experienced partner NGO that was committed to supporting this effort, context-specific design and implementation, and a flexible and responsive approach. However, despite contributing to informal coordination between various stakeholders, the intervention did not succeed in developing a sustained joint-working mechanism at the district level. Shared ownership for prioritization of child marriage across national- and state-level sectors was not established, due in part to lack of directives transcending ministerial/departmental boundaries. Nevertheless, due to its efforts at the district-level, the intervention was able to enlist leadership from the District Magistrates and Child Marriage Prohibition Officers, in line with their duties outlined in the 2006 Prohibition of Child Marriage Act. The challenges we identified included lack of clear directives and institutional support for collaboration, obstacles to monitoring, administrative challenges, differing perspectives on strategy among district leaders, community resistance, and intervention over-commitment. CONCLUSIONS: The findings of this evaluation reveal the potential of multi-sectoral approaches to prevent and respond to child marriage and provide insight into obstacles that affect multi-sectoral coordination. We point to actions that MAMTA could take to strengthen collaboration on this and other initiatives. We also recommend further documentation and evaluation of projects and programmes in this area.

The Tarunya Project's efforts to improve the quality of adolescent reproductive and sexual health services in Jharkhand state, India: a post-hoc evaluation.

Following the International Conference on Population and Development Adolescent Reproductive and Sexual Health (ARSH) was recognized as a top development priority in India's National Population Policy 2000. In 2006 a separate ARSH strategy was articulated within the National Rural Health Mission. In Jharkhand, one of the poorest and least developed states in India, in 2008 the state government launched a Tarunya Project in collaboration with EngenderHealth. The project provided cascading ARSH training to government staff at secondary care facilities and strengthened outreach activities to enhance community engagement. After 5 years of implementation, the project was evaluated by a team from the World Health Organization. The evaluation found that the project provided training and ongoing backstopping support to strengthen the ARSH readiness of health facilities. The project's intervention efforts contributed to improvement in quality and initial use of ARSH services. The performance of health facilities was appreciated by clients. But there was little correspondence between the project's monitoring and the period of exposure of the facilities to the project's interventions and service quality. The evaluation also showed that handholding and backstopping by the project were still very much needed.

"If a woman has even one daughter, I refuse to perform the abortion": Sex determination and safe abortion in India.

In India, safe abortion services are sought mainly in the private sector for reasons of privacy, confidentiality, and the absence of delays and coercion to use contraception. In recent years, the declining sex ratio has received much attention, and implementation of the Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (PCPNDT) Act (2003) has become stringent. However, rather than targeting sex determination, many inspection visits target abortion services. This has led to many private medical practitioners facing negative media publicity, defamation and criminal charges. As a result, they have started turning women away not only in the second trimester but also in the first. Samyak, a Pune-based, non-governmental organization, came across a number of cases of refusal of abortion services during its work and decided to explore the experiences of private medical practitioners with the regulatory mechanisms and what happened to the women. The study showed that as a fallout from the manner of implementation of the PCPNDT Act, safe abortion services were either difficult for women to access or outright denied to them. There is an urgent need to recognize this impact of the current regulatory environment, which is forcing women towards illegal and unsafe abortions.

Facility and personnel factors influencing magnesium sulfate use for eclampsia and pre-eclampsia in 3 Indian hospitals.

OBJECTIVE: To identify factors at the health facility and health professional levels that might hinder or facilitate the appropriate use of magnesium sulfate for the treatment of pre-eclampsia and eclampsia. METHODS: Seven focus group discussions were conducted with a purposively sampled group of obstetricians/gynecologists, medical residents, and nurses at 3 hospitals in Nagpur, India. Data were collected on facility and drug availability, criteria for diagnosis and management of pre-eclampsia and eclampsia, attitudes about magnesium sulfate use, and perceived barriers to the treatment of pre-eclampsia and eclampsia. RESULTS: Senior gynecologists seemed to encourage the use of magnesium sulfate, especially management prior to transfer to a higher facility. However, clinicians noted a lack of specific institutional guidelines on dose, timing, and indications, particularly in cases in which delivery was not imminent. In all facilities, service providers noted that their clinical care decisions were sometimes influenced by political and social factors, making management of eclampsia and pre-eclampsia cases difficult. Care was further challenged by limited drug availability, particularly at the tertiary-care center. CONCLUSION: Limited drug supply and lack of specific institutional guidelines, equipment, and trained staff hinder the translation of evidence-based policy on magnesium sulfate into practice.

Implementing reproductive and child health services in rural Maharashtra, India: a pragmatic approach.

The Government of India has been providing limited maternal and child health services through its Family Welfare programme, but this system is characterised by weaknesses that include inefficient work schedules; non-availability of functioning equipment; poor contraceptive and drug supplies; poor skills and knowledge of health workers; and poor access to services in villages without health centres. For the new Reproductive and Child Health programme to deliver an even wider range of services, the health system will need to be strengthened and the quality of service delivery improved. This paper describes a seven-year operations research project in Parner block, Ahmednagar district, Maharashtra, India, undertaken by the Foundation for Research in Health Systems in partnership with state and district health administrations. It shows the feasibility of establishing a more efficient system, with a minimum of affordable inputs, that increases the use of services by women. Four critical policy changes were implemented: service delivery in each village was changed from household visits to a clinic base, stringent monitoring mechanisms were put in place, in-service training for health workers was instituted and the range of services was gradually increased. This experience is now being applied more widely, with eventual phasing up to full district and state level.