Neural tracking of social hierarchies in adolescents' real-world social networks.

In the current study, we combined sociometric nominations and neuroimaging techniques to examine adolescents' neural tracking of peers from their real-world social network that varied in social preferences and popularity. Adolescent participants from an entire school district (N = 873) completed peer sociometric nominations of their grade at school, and a subset of participants (N = 117, Mage = 13.59 years) completed a neuroimaging task in which they viewed peer faces from their social networks. We revealed two neural processes by which adolescents track social preference: (1) the fusiform face area, an important region for early visual perception and social categorization, simultaneously represented both peers high in social preference and low in social preference; (2) the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (DLPFC), which was differentially engaged in tracking peers high and low in social preference. No regions specifically tracked peers high in popularity and only the inferior parietal lobe, temporoparietal junction, midcingulate cortex and insula were involved in tracking unpopular peers. This is the first study to examine the neural circuits that support adolescents' perception of peer-based social networks. These findings identify the neural processes that allow youths to spontaneously keep track of peers' social value within their social network.

Differential processing of risk and reward in delinquent and non-delinquent youth.

The present study examined the behavioral and neural differences in risky decision-making between delinquent (n = 23) and non-delinquent (n = 27) youth ages 13-17 years (M = 16, SD = 0.97) in relation to reward processing. While undergoing functional neuroimaging, participants completed an experimental risk task wherein they received feedback about the riskiness of their behavior in the form of facial expressions that morphed from happy to angry. Behavioral results indicated that delinquent youth took fewer risks and earned fewer rewards on the task than non-delinquent youth. Results from whole-brain analyses indicated no group differences in sensitivity to punishments (i.e. angry faces), but instead showed that delinquent youth evinced greater neural tracking of reward outcomes (i.e. cash-ins) in regions including the ventral striatum and inferior frontal gyrus. While behavioral results show that delinquent youth were more risk-averse, the neural results indicated that delinquent youth were also more reward-driven, potentially suggesting a preference for immediate rewards. Results offer important insights into differential decision-making processes between delinquent and non-delinquent youth.

Adolescents' Perceptions of Social Risk and Prosocial Tendencies: Developmental Change and Individual Differences.

Many prosocial behaviors involve social risks such as speaking out against a popular opinion, bias, group norm, or authority. However, little is known about whether adolescents' prosocial tendencies develop over time with their perceptions of social risks. This accelerated longitudinal study used within-subject growth-curve analyses to test the link between prosocial tendencies and social risk perceptions, in a sample of adolescents who completed self-reports annually for three years (N = 893; M age = 12.30 years, 10 - 14 years at Wave 1, and 10 - 17 years across the full study period; 50% Girls, 33% White non-Latinx, 27% Latinx, 20% African American, 20% Mixed/Other Race). The association between social risk tolerance and prosocial tendencies changed significantly across adolescence, such that at for younger adolescents, more prosocial tendencies were associated with less social risk tolerance, whereas for relatively older adolescents, more prosocial tendencies were associated marginally with more social risk tolerance. Additional individual differences by empathy (but not sensation seeking) emerged. These findings suggest that prosocial development across adolescence may be associated with an underlying ability to tolerate social risks.

COVID-19 Distress Impacts Adolescents' Depressive Symptoms, NSSI, and Suicide Risk in the Rural, Northeast US.

OBJECTIVE: Widespread concern exists about the impacts of COVID-19 and related public health safety measures (e.g., school closures) on adolescent mental health. Emerging research documents correlates and trajectories of adolescent distress, but further work is needed to identify additional vulnerability factors that explain increased psychopathology during the pandemic. The current study examined whether COVID-19-related loneliness and health anxiety (assessed in March 2020) predicted increased depressive symptoms, frequency of non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI), and suicide risk from pre-pandemic (late January/early February 2020) to June 2020. METHOD: Participants were 362 middle and high school adolescents in rural Maine (M age = 15.01 years; 63.4% female; 76.4% White). Data were collected during a time in which state-level COVID-19 restrictions were high and case counts were relatively low. Self-reports assessed psychopathology symptoms, and ecological momentary assessment (EMA) was used to capture COVID-19-related distress during the initial days of school closures. RESULTS: Loneliness predicted higher depressive symptoms for all adolescents, higher NSSI frequency for adolescents with low pre-pandemic frequency (but less frequent NSSI for adolescents with high pre-pandemic frequency), and higher suicide risk for adolescents with higher pre-pandemic risk. Health anxiety predicted higher NSSI frequency for adolescents with high pre-pandemic frequency, and secondary analyses suggested that this pattern may depend on adolescents' gender identity. CONCLUSIONS: Results underscore the impact of COVID-19 on adolescent mental health, with benefits for some but largely negative impacts for most. Implications for caretakers, educators, and clinicians invested in adolescent mental health are discussed.

Positive risk taking and neural sensitivity to risky decision making in adolescence.

This study examines associations between adolescents' positive risk taking and neural activation during risky decision-making. Participants included 144 adolescents ages 13-16 years (Mage = 14.23; SDage = 0.7) from diverse racial and ethnic groups. Participants self-reported their engagement in positive and negative risk taking. Additionally, participants played the Cups task during fMRI, where they chose between a safe choice (guaranteed earning of 15 cents) and a risky choice (varying probabilities of earning more than 15 cents). Using a risk-return framework, we examined adolescents' sensitivity to both risks (safe versus risky) and returns (expected value, or potential reward as a function of its probability of occurring) at the behavioral and neural levels. All participants took more risks when the expected value of the choice was high. However, high positive risk taking was uniquely associated with dampened dmPFC tracking of expected value. Together, results show that adolescents' positive risk taking is associated with neural activity during risky decision-making. Findings are among the first to identify brain-behavior correlations associated with positive risk taking during adolescence.

Measuring peer influence susceptibility to alcohol use: Convergent and predictive validity of a new analogue assessment.

Research on peer socialization rarely examines individual differences in adolescents' susceptibility to peer influence, perhaps because few theories or methods have elucidated how susceptibility is operationalized. This study offers a new analogue measure of peer influence susceptibility in adolescence that is adapted from sociological theory. A preliminary examination of this new paradigm included the study of individual differences in susceptibility to peer influence, convergent validity correlates, and predictive validity by examining decision-making on the task as a moderator of the prospective association between friends' and adolescents' engagement in one form of real-world risk taking. Participants included 714 adolescents (54% female; 46.1% White, 20.9% Black, 24.2% Hispanic/Latinx, 6.2% mixed race or other) aged 15-18 years (M=16.1). Participants completed the Peer Analogue Susceptibility Task, peer nominations, and self-report measures at Time 1, and repeated an assessment of their own alcohol use one year later. Participants' friends also reported their own alcohol use. Results indicated concurrent associations with peer influence susceptibility, rejection sensitivity, perceived importance of peer status, peer-nominated popularity, and self-reported resistance to peer influence. Furthermore, among adolescents demonstrating average and high levels of peer influence susceptibility on the task, greater perceived alcohol use among friends was associated with their own alcohol use one year later. Findings offer preliminary evidence for the convergent and predictive validity of a new approach to study peer influence susceptibility.

Risk taking profiles among college students: An examination of health-risk taking, anti-racism action, and college functioning.

Objective: This study expands the literature on risk taking among college students by exploring anti-racism action as a form of positive risk taking. Participants: 346 Black (64%) and Latinx (36%) college students (85% female) ages 18-27 years (M = 18.75, SD = 1.31). Methods: Participants responded to questionnaires on anti-racism action, health-risk taking, and college functioning. Latent class analysis identified behavioral profiles of risk takers. Indicators of profile membership and associations with college functioning were examined. Results: Three profiles emerged: moderate overall risk taking, high health-risk taking, and high anti-racism action. Personal experience with discrimination was associated with a greater likelihood of health-risk taking. Students in the high anti-racism profile evinced greater educational functioning than those in the high-health risk taking profile. Conclusions: Risky behavior on college campuses is not homogeneous. Specific interventions and support networks are necessary to support students falling within specific risk profiles.

Adolescents Are More Likely to Help Others on Days They Take Risks and Crave Social Connections.

This study examined how adolescents' risk-taking behaviors were related to their prosocial behaviors on a daily level and how this association differed depending on adolescents' daily and average levels of sensation seeking and social craving. Adolescents (N = 212; Mage = 15 years) completed daily diaries for 14 days. Adolescents were more likely to engage in prosocial behavior on days when they also took risks, but only when they also felt high levels of social craving. The daily link between risk-taking and prosocial behavior did not vary based on daily or individual differences in sensation seeking. Results suggest that when adolescents feel highly motivated to connect with others, their risk-taking and prosocial tendencies co-occur on a daily basis.

Concurrent and prospective associations between fitbit wearable-derived RDoC arousal and regulatory constructs and adolescent internalizing symptoms.

BACKGROUND: Adolescence is characterized by alterations in biobehavioral functioning, during which individuals are at heightened risk for onset of psychopathology, particularly internalizing disorders. Researchers have proposed using digital technologies to index daily biobehavioral functioning, yet there is a dearth of research examining how wearable metrics are associated with mental health. METHODS: We preregistered analyses using the Adolescent Brain Cognitive Development Study dataset using wearable data collection in 5,686 adolescents (123,862 person-days or 2,972,688 person-hours) to determine whether wearable indices of resting heart rate (RHR), step count, and sleep duration and variability in these measures were cross-sectionally associated with internalizing symptomatology. All models were also run controlling for age, sex, body mass index, socioeconomic status, and race. We then performed prospective analyses on a subset of this sample (n = 143) across 25 months that had Fitbit data available at baseline and follow-up in order to explore directionality of effects. RESULTS: Cross-sectional analyses revealed a small, yet significant, effect size (R2 = .053) that higher RHR, lower step count and step count variability, and greater variability in sleep duration were associated with greater internalizing symptoms. Cross-lagged panel model analysis revealed that there were no prospective associations between wearable variables and internalizing symptoms (partial R2 = .026), but greater internalizing symptoms and higher RHR predicted lower step count 25 months later (partial R2 = .010), while higher RHR also predicted lower step count variability 25 months later (partial R2 = .008). CONCLUSIONS: Findings indicate that wearable indices concurrently associate with internalizing symptoms during early adolescence, while a larger sample size is likely required to accurately assess prospective or directional effects between wearable indices and mental health. Future research should capitalize on the temporal resolution provided by wearable devices to determine the intensive longitudinal relations between biobehavioral risk factors and acute changes in mental health.

Positive and negative risk-taking: Age patterns and relations to domain-specific risk-taking.

People take risks at all ages to achieve certain goals. Although these goals may be achieved through negative risks (e.g., adolescent drinking to impress their friends), people also take positive risks. Positive risks are theorized to help individuals achieve goals in developmentally appropriate and socially acceptable ways, such as initiating a new friendship as an adolescent, applying for a promotion as a young adult, or exploring a new hobby as a retiree. To test the hypothesis that people endorse different patterns of risk-taking across life, we examined age patterns in positive and negative risk-taking with a sample of individuals ranging in age from 12 to 71 years. In adults aged 19-71, we also examined to what extent positive and negative risk-taking are associated with domain-specific risk-taking and risk-taking propensity. Results indicated that positive risk-taking varied with age in the form of an inverted-U shape and peaked in middle adulthood. Negative antisocial risk-taking varied with age in the form of a U shape and was highest in adolescence. Negative health risk-taking varied with age in the form of an inverted-U shape and peaked in middle adulthood. In adults, greater positive risk-taking was associated with greater risk-taking in the social domain and greater risk-taking propensity. Greater negative risk-taking was associated with greater risk-taking in ethical and health/safety domains, and with greater risk-taking propensity. Altogether, this study is the first to demonstrate age patterns in positive and negative risk-taking across adolescence and adulthood. It also contributes to the validity of positive risk-taking as a construct distinct from negative risk-taking.

Positive and negative risk taking in adolescence: Age patterns and relations to social environment.

Despite empirical and epidemiological research indicating that risk taking propensity increases across adolescence, it is unknown whether this is true for positive risk taking. Additionally, adolescents' decisions are heavily influenced by their social environment, but it is unclear to what extent social influences are associated with positive risk taking. The present study compared age patterns between self-reported positive and negative (health and antisocial) risk taking. Self-reported peers' risk taking, risk perception and perceived social support were also examined as correlates of positive and negative risk taking. 338 adolescents and young adults (217 females) ages 12-25 years (M = 18.99; SD = 3.37) took part in the study. Positive risk taking was slightly higher among young adults than early adolescents, whereas the reverse pattern was found for antisocial risk taking. Health risk taking took the form of an inverted-U, peaking in young adulthood. In adolescents, positive risk taking was associated with peers' positive risk taking and lower perceived support from family. Negative risk taking was associated with peers' negative risk taking, higher risk perception and lower perceived support from family. Results suggest subtle age differences in positive risk taking among adolescents and early adults and indicate that adolescents' engagement in positive risk taking is associated with peers' behavior.

Hormonal and neural correlates of prosocial conformity in adolescents.

The dual hormone hypothesis, which centers on the interaction between testosterone and cortisol on social behavior, offers a compelling framework for examining the role of hormones on the neural correlates of adolescent peer conformity. Expanding on this hypothesis, the present study explored the interaction between testosterone and cortisol via hair concentrations on adolescents' conformity to peers. During fMRI, 136 adolescents (51 % female) ages 11-14 years (M = 12.32; SD = 0.6) completed a prosocial decision-making task. Participants chose how much of their time to donate to charity before and after observing a low- or high-prosocial peer. Conformity was measured as change in behavior pre- to post-observation. High testosterone with low cortisol was associated with greater conformity to high-prosocial peers but not low prosocial peers. Focusing on high prosocial peers, whole-brain analyses indicated greater activation post- vs. pre-observation as a function of high testosterone and low cortisol in regions implicated in social cognition, salience detection, and reward processing: pSTS/TPJ, insula, OFC, and caudate nucleus. Results highlight the relevance of hormones for understanding the neural correlates of adolescents' conformity to prosocial peers.

Differential Correlates of Positive and Negative Risk Taking in Adolescence.

Positive risks benefit adolescent development without posing the same public safety concerns as negative risks, but little is understood about the psychological characteristics of positive risk taking. This study explored the shared and unique correlates of positive and negative risk taking in 223 adolescents (48% female) ages 16-20 years (M = 18.1; SD = 0.81). Positive and negative risk taking were both associated with higher sensation seeking. Unlike negative risk taking, positive risk taking was not associated with impulsivity or risk taking on experimental tasks. Further, positive risk taking was associated with lower reward sensitivity, higher punishment sensitivity, and greater school engagement than negative risk taking. The findings offer new insights for prevailing models of adolescent risk behavior and suggest positive risk taking may be particularly beneficial in the school context.

Neural Underpinnings of Social Contextual Influences on Adolescent Risk-Taking.

Purpose of review: Adolescence is a developmental period often characterized by heightened risk taking and increased sensitivity to socially salient stimuli. In this report, we discuss how the developing brain serves as both a link between, and a susceptibility factor for, social contextual factors and risk taking in adolescence. Recent findings: Neural activity in regions related to affective processing, cognitive control, and social cognition, which continue to develop across the adolescent years, shape the relationship between adolescents' social environment and their risk taking. Summary: Examining neural patterns of adolescent brain development enriches our understanding of how adolescents' complex social environment modulates their risk-taking behavior, which may have implications for adolescents' current and future substance use.

Correction to: Age Patterns in Risk Taking Across the World.

In the original publication, the legends for Figs 4 and 5 were incorrect, such that each regression line was mislabeled with the incorrect country. Below are the correctly labeled countries. The authors apologize for any confusion or misinformation this error may have caused.

Positive Risk Taking in Adolescence.

Adolescents are more likely to take risks than children or adults. This propensity can be directed toward negative (illegal and dangerous) or positive (socially acceptable and constructive) risk behaviors. Adolescents who take positive risks include teenagers winning Olympic medals for landing snowboard tricks and students protesting gun violence on a national platform. Yet little is known about the nature of positive risk taking because much of the research on adolescent risk taking has focused on negative risks, such as substance use or delinquency. In this article, we offer a theoretical model of positive risk taking, briefly review research on positive risk taking, and discuss theoretical correlates of positive risk taking based on models of adolescent risk taking. We aim to identify positive risks as a unique class of socially acceptable risks in which youth engage in addition to negative risks.

Adolescents' cognitive capacity reaches adult levels prior to their psychosocial maturity: Evidence for a "maturity gap" in a multinational, cross-sectional sample.

All countries distinguish between minors and adults for various legal purposes. Recent U.S. Supreme Court cases concerning the legal status of juveniles have consulted psychological science to decide where to draw these boundaries. However, little is known about the robustness of the relevant research, because it has been conducted largely in the U.S. and other Western countries. To the extent that lawmakers look to research to guide their decisions, it is important to know how generalizable the scientific conclusions are. The present study examines 2 psychological phenomena relevant to legal questions about adolescent maturity: cognitive capacity, which undergirds logical thinking, and psychosocial maturity, which comprises individuals' ability to restrain themselves in the face of emotional, exciting, or risky stimuli. Age patterns of these constructs were assessed in 5,227 individuals (50.7% female), ages 10-30 (M = 17.05, SD = 5.91) from 11 countries. Importantly, whereas cognitive capacity reached adult levels around age 16, psychosocial maturity reached adult levels beyond age 18, creating a "maturity gap" between cognitive and psychosocial development. Juveniles may be capable of deliberative decision making by age 16, but even young adults may demonstrate "immature" decision making in arousing situations. We argue it is therefore reasonable to have different age boundaries for different legal purposes: 1 for matters in which cognitive capacity predominates, and a later 1 for matters in which psychosocial maturity plays a substantial role. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

Age Patterns in Risk Taking Across the World.

Epidemiological data indicate that risk behaviors are among the leading causes of adolescent morbidity and mortality worldwide. Consistent with this, laboratory-based studies of age differences in risk behavior allude to a peak in adolescence, suggesting that adolescents demonstrate a heightened propensity, or inherent inclination, to take risks. Unlike epidemiological reports, studies of risk taking propensity have been limited to Western samples, leaving questions about the extent to which heightened risk taking propensity is an inherent or culturally constructed aspect of adolescence. In the present study, age patterns in risk-taking propensity (using two laboratory tasks: the Stoplight and the BART) and real-world risk taking (using self-reports of health and antisocial risk taking) were examined in a sample of 5227 individuals (50.7% female) ages 10-30 (M = 17.05 years, SD = 5.91) from 11 Western and non-Western countries (China, Colombia, Cyprus, India, Italy, Jordan, Kenya, the Philippines, Sweden, Thailand, and the US). Two hypotheses were tested: (1) risk taking follows an inverted-U pattern across age groups, peaking earlier on measures of risk taking propensity than on measures of real-world risk taking, and (2) age patterns in risk taking propensity are more consistent across countries than age patterns in real-world risk taking. Overall, risk taking followed the hypothesized inverted-U pattern across age groups, with health risk taking evincing the latest peak. Age patterns in risk taking propensity were more consistent across countries than age patterns in real-world risk taking. Results suggest that although the association between age and risk taking is sensitive to measurement and culture, around the world, risk taking is generally highest among late adolescents.

Interaction of reward seeking and self-regulation in the prediction of risk taking: A cross-national test of the dual systems model.

In the present analysis, we test the dual systems model of adolescent risk taking in a cross-national sample of over 5,200 individuals aged 10 through 30 (M = 17.05 years, SD = 5.91) from 11 countries. We examine whether reward seeking and self-regulation make independent, additive, or interactive contributions to risk taking, and ask whether these relations differ as a function of age and culture. To compare across cultures, we conduct 2 sets of analyses: 1 comparing individuals from Asian and Western countries, and 1 comparing individuals from low- and high-GDP countries. Results indicate that reward seeking and self-regulation have largely independent associations with risk taking and that the influences of each variable on risk taking are not unique to adolescence, but that their link to risk taking varies across cultures. (PsycINFO Database Record

The dual systems model: Review, reappraisal, and reaffirmation.

According to the dual systems perspective, risk taking peaks during adolescence because activation of an early-maturing socioemotional-incentive processing system amplifies adolescents' affinity for exciting, pleasurable, and novel activities at a time when a still immature cognitive control system is not yet strong enough to consistently restrain potentially hazardous impulses. We review evidence from both the psychological and neuroimaging literatures that has emerged since 2008, when this perspective was originally articulated. Although there are occasional exceptions to the general trends, studies show that, as predicted, psychological and neural manifestations of reward sensitivity increase between childhood and adolescence, peak sometime during the late teen years, and decline thereafter, whereas psychological and neural reflections of better cognitive control increase gradually and linearly throughout adolescence and into the early 20s. While some forms of real-world risky behavior peak at a later age than predicted, this likely reflects differential opportunities for risk-taking in late adolescence and young adulthood, rather than neurobiological differences that make this age group more reckless. Although it is admittedly an oversimplification, as a heuristic device, the dual systems model provides a far more accurate account of adolescent risk taking than prior models that have attributed adolescent recklessness to cognitive deficiencies.