Age and gender differences in narcissism: A comprehensive study across eight measures and over 250,000 participants.

Age and gender differences in narcissism have been studied often. However, considering the rich history of narcissism research accompanied by its diverging conceptualizations, little is known about age and gender differences across various narcissism measures. The present study investigated age and gender differences and their interactions across eight widely used narcissism instruments (i.e., Narcissistic Personality Inventory, Hypersensitive Narcissism Scale, Dirty Dozen, Psychological Entitlement Scale, Narcissistic Personality Disorder Symptoms from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Version IV, Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry Questionnaire-Short Form, Single-Item Narcissism Scale, and brief version of the Pathological Narcissism Inventory). The findings of Study 1 (N = 5,736) revealed heterogeneity in how strongly the measures are correlated. Some instruments loaded clearly on one of the three factors proposed by previous research (i.e., Neuroticism, Extraversion, Antagonism), while others cross-loaded across factors and in distinct ways. Cross-sectional analyses using each measure and meta-analytic results across all measures (Study 2) with a total sample of 270,029 participants suggest consistent linear age effects (random effects meta-analytic effect of r = -.104), with narcissism being highest in young adulthood. Consistent gender differences also emerged (random effects meta-analytic effect was -.079), such that men scored higher in narcissism than women. Quadratic age effects and Age × Gender effects were generally very small and inconsistent. We conclude that despite the various conceptualizations of narcissism, age and gender differences are generalizable across the eight measures used in the present study. However, their size varied based on the instrument used. We discuss the sources of this heterogeneity and the potential mechanisms for age and gender differences. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

A meta-analytic examination of the gender difference in creative performance.

Studies examining gender and creative performance ratings have offered mixed results. The current meta-analysis integrates insights from gender role theories (Eagly, 1987; Eagly & Karau, 2002) with Woodman et al. (1993) interactionist perspective of creativity to identify factors that explain these observed inconsistencies across studies. Cumulating decades of research from 259 independent studies (N = 79,915), we find a male advantage in creative performance (δ = .13). An examination of contextual moderators reveals that this gender gap is contingent on several social and cultural factors. We observe a decline in the creativity gender gap when the country-level cultural context of the sample is communal and an increase when it is agentic. Results also show that the gender disparity declined over time, but industry gender composition did not influence the gender gap. Interestingly, we find that the gender gap is larger when creative performance is self- versus other-reported. Finally, methodological contingency factors such as publication status, study setting, creativity type, and occupational creativity requirements were also assessed. Overall, our findings clarify gender's relationship with creative performance and underscore the importance of undertaking contingency-based approaches in future research. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Stability and Change in Personality Traits and Major Life Goals From College to Midlife.

The association between personality traits and motivational units, such as life goals, has been a long-standing interest of personality scientists. However, little research has investigated the longitudinal associations between traits and life goals beyond young adulthood. In the present study (N = 251), we examined the rank-order stability of, and mean-level changes in, the Big Five and major life goals (Aesthetic, Economic, Family/Relationship, Hedonistic, Political, Religious, Social) from college (age 18) to midlife (age 40), as well as their co-development. Findings showed that personality traits and major life goals were both moderately-to-highly stable over 20 years. On average, there were mean-level increases in the Big Five and mean-level decreases in life goals over time. Patterns of co-development suggest people formulate goals consistent with their personality traits, and conversely, investing in goal-relevant contexts is associated with trait change. We discuss the results in light of Social Investment Theory and the developmental regulation literature.

Motivation to lead: A meta-analysis and distal-proximal model of motivation and leadership.

To understand how motivation to lead (MTL) fits into the broader leadership literature, we present a meta-analytic review of MTL and test a Distal-Proximal Model of Motivation and Leadership. Using a database of 1,154 effect sizes from 100 primary studies, we found that the 3 types of MTL (affective-identity, social-normative, and noncalculative) had a unique pattern of antecedents and were only modestly correlated, indicating that MTL may be best operationalized as three separate motivational constructs instead of as one overarching construct. Further, the 3 MTL types were generally associated with individuals emerging as leaders, engaging in beneficial leadership behaviors (i.e., more transformational and transactional leadership, as well as less laissez faire leadership), and performing more effectively in leadership roles. Finally, meta-analytic path analysis demonstrated that the three MTL types partially explained the relationship between more distal predictors (i.e., gender, cognitive ability, the Big Five, past leader experience, and leader self-efficacy) and leadership emergence/effectiveness. Interestingly, we found that traits often viewed as beneficial for leadership (extraversion, conscientiousness, and openness) may have a darker side that is transmitted through MTL. Taken together, this study advances theory by clarifying the distinctiveness of the three MTL types, establishing MTL's relationship with leadership outcomes, and identifying MTL's role within the broader leadership domain. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

You're still so vain: Changes in narcissism from young adulthood to middle age.

To date, there have been no long-term longitudinal studies of continuity and change in narcissism. This study investigated rank-order consistency and mean-level changes in overall narcissism and 3 of its facets (leadership, vanity, and entitlement) over a 23-year period spanning young adulthood (Mage = 18, N = 486) to midlife (Mage = 41, N = 237). We also investigated whether life experiences predicted changes in narcissism from young adulthood to midlife, and whether young adult narcissism predicted life experiences assessed in midlife. Narcissism and its facets showed strong rank-order consistency from age 18 to 41, with latent correlations ranging from .61 to .85. We found mean-level decreases in overall narcissism (d = -0.79) and all 3 facets, namely leadership (d = -0.67), vanity (d = -0.46), and entitlement (d = -0.82). Participants who were in supervisory positions showed smaller decreases in leadership, and participants who experienced more unstable relationships and who were physically healthier showed smaller decreases in vanity from young adulthood to middle age. Analyses of the long-term correlates of narcissism showed that young adults with higher narcissism and leadership levels were more likely to be in supervisory positions in middle age. Young adults with higher vanity levels had fewer children and were more likely to divorce by middle age. Together, the findings suggest that people tend to become less narcissistic from young adulthood to middle age, and the magnitude of this decline is related to the particular career and family pathways a person pursues during this stage of life. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

Does Openness to Experience matter in love and work? Domain, facet, and developmental evidence from a 24-year longitudinal study.

OBJECTIVE: Although numerous studies have demonstrated that personality traits predict important love and work outcomes, there is mixed evidence for the relevance of Openness to Experience to love and work. We sought to better understand the long-term consequences of Openness in these two domains. METHOD: We examined the associations between Openness and 51 love and work outcomes using data from a 24-year longitudinal study of UC Berkeley students (N = 497) followed from the beginning of college into midlife. Using latent growth curve modeling, we examined whether Openness levels and change in Openness from college to midlife were associated with downstream love and work outcomes. Additionally, we tested whether three facets of Openness (intellectual interests, aesthetic interests, and unconventionality) had differential associations with outcomes. RESULTS: Although stable levels of Openness predicted few work or love outcomes, individual differences in Openness change were associated with delayed romantic commitment and some career outcomes. In addition, there were significant differences among facets of Openness: intellectual interests were highly associated with educational outcomes, whereas aesthetic interests and unconventionality predicted nontraditional career motivations. CONCLUSIONS: We situate these results in past research on real-world consequences of personality traits and discuss implications for theory and future research.

Narcissism and Self-Insight: A Review and Meta-Analysis of Narcissists' Self-Enhancement Tendencies.

The current article reviews the narcissism-self-enhancement literature using a multilevel meta-analytic technique. Specifically, we focus on self-insight self-enhancement (i.e., whether narcissists perceive themselves more positively than they are perceived by others); thus, we only include studies that compare narcissists' self-reports to observer reports or objective measures. Results from 171 correlations reported in 36 empirical studies (N = 6,423) revealed that the narcissism-self-enhancement relationship corrected for unreliability in narcissism was .21 (95% confidence interval [CI] = [.17, .25]), and that narcissists tend to self-enhance their agentic characteristics more than their communal characteristics. The average corrected relationship between narcissism and self-enhancement for agentic characteristics was .29 (95% CI = [.25, .33]), whereas for communal characteristics it was .05 (95% CI = [-.01, .10]). In addition, we individually summarized narcissists' self-enhancement for 10 different constructs (i.e., the Big Five, task performance, intelligence, leadership, attractiveness, and likeability).

Gender differences in narcissism: a meta-analytic review.

Despite the widely held belief that men are more narcissistic than women, there has been no systematic review to establish the magnitude, variability across measures and settings, and stability over time of this gender difference. Drawing on the biosocial approach to social role theory, a meta-analysis performed for Study 1 found that men tended to be more narcissistic than women (d = .26; k = 355 studies; N = 470,846). This gender difference remained stable in U.S. college student cohorts over time (from 1990 to 2013) and across different age groups. Study 1 also investigated gender differences in three facets of the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) to reveal that the narcissism gender difference is driven by the Exploitative/Entitlement facet (d = .29; k = 44 studies; N = 44,108) and Leadership/Authority facet (d = .20; k = 40 studies; N = 44,739); whereas the gender difference in Grandiose/Exhibitionism (d = .04; k = 39 studies; N = 42,460) was much smaller. We further investigated a less-studied form of narcissism called vulnerable narcissism-which is marked by low self-esteem, neuroticism, and introversion-to find that (in contrast to the more commonly studied form of narcissism found in the DSM and the NPI) men and women did not differ on vulnerable narcissism (d = -.04; k = 42 studies; N = 46,735). Study 2 used item response theory to rule out the possibility that measurement bias accounts for observed gender differences in the three facets of the NPI (N = 19,001). Results revealed that observed gender differences were not explained by measurement bias and thus can be interpreted as true sex differences. Discussion focuses on the implications for the biosocial construction model of gender differences, for the etiology of narcissism, for clinical applications, and for the role of narcissism in helping to explain gender differences in leadership and aggressive behavior. Readers are warned against overapplying small effect sizes to perpetuate gender stereotypes.

It Is Developmental Me, Not Generation Me: Developmental Changes Are More Important Than Generational Changes in Narcissism-Commentary on Trzesniewski & Donnellan (2010).

In this article, we make two points about the ongoing debate concerning the purported increase in narcissistic tendencies in college students over the last 30 years. First, we show that when new data on narcissism are folded into preexisting meta-analytic data, there is no increase in narcissism in college students over the last few decades. Second, we show, in contrast, that age changes in narcissism are both replicable and comparatively large in comparison to generational changes in narcissism. This leads to the conclusion that every generation is Generation Me, as every generation of younger people are more narcissistic than their elders.