Speaker-Specific Cues Influence Semantic Disambiguation.

Addressees use information from specific speakers' previous discourse to make predictions about incoming linguistic material and to restrict the choice of potential interpretations. In this way, speaker specificity has been shown to be an influential factor in language processing across several domains e.g., spoken word recognition, sentence processing, and pragmatics. However, its influence on semantic disambiguation has received little attention to date. Using an exposure-test design and visual world eye tracking, we examined the effect of speaker-specific literal vs. nonliteral style on the disambiguation of metaphorical polysemes such as 'fork', 'head', and 'mouse'. Eye movement data revealed that when interpreting polysemous words with a literal and a nonliteral meaning, addressees showed a late-stage preference for the literal meaning in response to a nonliteral speaker. We interpret this as reflecting an indeterminacy in the intended meaning in this condition, as well as the influence of meaning dominance cues at later stages of processing. Response data revealed that addressees then ultimately resolved to the literal target in 90% of trials. These results suggest that addressees consider a range of senses in the earlier stages of processing, and that speaker style is a contextual determinant in semantic processing.

Disambiguating the ambiguity disadvantage effect: Behavioral and electrophysiological evidence for semantic competition.

Semantic ambiguity has been shown to slow comprehension, although it is unclear whether this ambiguity disadvantage is attributable to competition in semantic activation or difficulties in response selection. We tested the two accounts by examining semantic relatedness decisions to homonyms, or words with multiple unrelated meanings (e.g., football/electric fan). Our behavioral results showed that the ambiguity disadvantage arises only when the different meanings of words are of comparable frequency, and are thus activated in parallel. Critically, this effect was observed regardless of response-selection difficulties, both when the different meanings triggered inconsistent responses on related trials (e.g., fan-breeze) and consistent responses on unrelated trials (e.g., fan-snake). Our electrophysiological results confirmed that this effect arises during semantic activation of the ambiguous word, indexed by the N400, not during response selection. Overall, the findings show that ambiguity resolution involves semantic competition and delineate why and when this competition arises. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

Transcranial alternating current stimulation at 10 Hz modulates response bias in the Somatic Signal Detection Task.

Ongoing, pre-stimulus oscillatory activity in the 8-13 Hz alpha range has been shown to correlate with both true and false reports of peri-threshold somatosensory stimuli. However, to directly test the role of such oscillatory activity in behaviour, it is necessary to manipulate it. Transcranial alternating current stimulation (tACS) offers a method of directly manipulating oscillatory brain activity using a sinusoidal current passed to the scalp. We tested whether alpha tACS would change somatosensory sensitivity or response bias in a signal detection task in order to test whether alpha oscillations have a causal role in behaviour. Active 10 Hz tACS or sham stimulation was applied using electrodes placed bilaterally at positions CP3 and CP4 of the 10-20 electrode placement system. Participants performed the Somatic Signal Detection Task (SSDT), in which they must detect brief somatosensory targets delivered at their detection threshold. These targets are sometimes accompanied by a light flash, which could also occur alone. Active tACS did not modulate sensitivity to targets but did modulate response criterion. Specifically, we found that active stimulation generally increased touch reporting rates, but particularly increased responding on light trials. Stimulation did not interact with the presence of touch, and thus increased both hits and false alarms. TACS stimulation increased reports of touch in a manner consistent with our observational reports, changing response bias, and consistent with a role for alpha activity in somatosensory detection.

Pre-stimulus alpha oscillations over somatosensory cortex predict tactile misperceptions.

Fluctuations of pre-stimulus oscillatory activity in the somatosensory alpha band (8-14Hz) observed using human EEG and MEG have been shown to influence the detection of supra- and peri-threshold somatosensory stimuli. However, some reports of touch occur even without a stimulus. We investigated the possibility that pre-stimulus alpha oscillations might also influence these false reports of touch - known as tactile misperceptions. We recorded EEG while participants performed the Somatic Signal Detection Task (SSDT), in which participants must detect brief, peri-threshold somatosensory targets. We found that pre-stimulus oscillatory power in the somatosensory alpha range exhibited a negative linear relationship with reporting of touch at electrode clusters over both contralateral and ipsilateral somatosensory regions. As pre-stimulus alpha power increased, the probability of reporting a touch declined; as it decreased, the probability of reporting a touch increased. This relationship was stronger on trials without a somatosensory stimulus than on trials with a somatosensory stimulus, although was present for both trial types. Spatio-temporal cluster-based permutation analysis also found that pre-stimulus alpha was lower on trials when touch was reported - irrespective of whether it was present - over contralateral and ipsilateral somatosensory cortices, as well as left frontocentral areas. We argue that alpha power may reflect changes in response criterion rather than sensitivity alone. Low alpha power relates to a low barrier to reporting a touch even when one is not present, while high alpha power is linked to less frequent reporting of touch overall.

Representational deficit or processing effect? An electrophysiological study of noun-noun compound processing by very advanced L2 speakers of English.

The processing of English noun-noun compounds (NNCs) was investigated to identify the extent and nature of differences between the performance of native speakers of English and advanced Spanish and German non-native speakers of English. The study sought to establish whether the word order of the equivalent structure in the non-native speakers' mothertongue (L1) had an influence on their processing of NNCs in their second language (L2), and whether this influence was due to differences in grammatical representation (i.e., incomplete acquisition of the relevant structure) or processing effects. Two mask-primed lexical decision experiments were conducted in which compounds were presented with their constituent nouns in licit vs. reversed order. The first experiment used a speeded lexical decision task with reaction time registration, and the second a delayed lexical decision task with EEG registration. There were no significant group differences in accuracy in the licit word order condition, suggesting that the grammatical representation had been fully acquired by the non-native speakers. However, the Spanish speakers made slightly more errors with the reversed order and had longer response times, suggesting an L1 interference effect (as the reverse order matches the licit word order in Spanish). The EEG data, analyzed with generalized additive mixed models, further supported this hypothesis. The EEG waveform of the non-native speakers was characterized by a slightly later onset N400 in the violation condition (reversed constituent order). Compound frequency predicted the amplitude of the EEG signal for the licit word order for native speakers, but for the reversed constituent order for Spanish speakers-the licit order in their L1-supporting the hypothesis that Spanish speakers are affected by interferences from their L1. The pattern of results for the German speakers in the violation condition suggested a strong conflict arising due to licit constituents being presented in an order that conflicts with the expected order in both their L1 and L2.

Sustained meaning activation for polysemous but not homonymous words: evidence from EEG.

Theoretical linguistic accounts of lexical ambiguity distinguish between homonymy, where words that share a lexical form have unrelated meanings, and polysemy, where the meanings are related. The present study explored the psychological reality of this theoretical assumption by asking whether there is evidence that homonyms and polysemes are represented and processed differently in the brain. We investigated the time-course of meaning activation of different types of ambiguous words using EEG. Homonyms and polysemes were each further subdivided into two: unbalanced homonyms (e.g., "coach") and balanced homonyms (e.g., "match"); metaphorical polysemes (e.g., "mouth") and metonymic polysemes (e.g., "rabbit"). These four types of ambiguous words were presented as primes in a visual single-word priming delayed lexical decision task employing a long ISI (750 ms). Targets were related to one of the meanings of the primes, or were unrelated. ERPs formed relative to the target onset indicated that the theoretical distinction between homonymy and polysemy was reflected in the N400 brain response. For targets following homonymous primes (both unbalanced and balanced), no effects survived at this long ISI indicating that both meanings of the prime had already decayed. On the other hand, for polysemous primes (both metaphorical and metonymic), activation was observed for both dominant and subordinate senses. The observed processing differences between homonymy and polysemy provide evidence in support of differential neuro-cognitive representations for the two types of ambiguity. We argue that the polysemous senses act collaboratively to strengthen the representation, facilitating maintenance, while the competitive nature of homonymous meanings leads to decay.

Pathways to lexical ambiguity: fMRI evidence for bilateral fronto-parietal involvement in language processing.

Numerous functional neuroimaging studies reported increased activity in the pars opercularis and the pars triangularis (Brodmann's areas 44 and 45) of the left hemisphere during the performance of linguistic tasks. The role of these areas in the right hemisphere in language processing is not understood and, although there is evidence from lesion studies that the right hemisphere is involved in the appreciation of semantic relations, no specific anatomical substrate has yet been identified. This event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging study compared brain activity during the performance of language processing trials in which either dominant or subordinate meaning activation of ambiguous words was required. The results show that the ventral part of the pars opercularis both in the left and the right hemisphere is centrally involved in language processing. In addition, they highlight the bilateral co-activation of this region with the supramarginal gyrus of the inferior parietal lobule during the processing of this type of linguistic material. This study, thus, provides the first evidence of co-activation of Broca's region and the inferior parietal lobule, succeeding in further specifying the relative contribution of these cortical areas to language processing.

Not all ambiguous words are created equal: an EEG investigation of homonymy and polysemy.

Event-related potentials (ERPs) were used to investigate the time-course of meaning activation of different types of ambiguous words. Unbalanced homonymous ("pen"), balanced homonymous ("panel"), metaphorically polysemous ("lip"), and metonymically polysemous words ("rabbit") were used in a visual single-word priming delayed lexical decision task. The theoretical distinction between homonymy and polysemy was reflected in the N400 component. Homonymous words (balanced and unbalanced) showed effects of dominance/frequency with reduced N400 effects predominantly observed for dominant meanings. Polysemous words (metaphors and metonymies) showed effects of core meaning representation with both dominant and subordinate meanings showing reduced N400 effects. Furthermore, the division within polysemy, into metaphor and metonymy, was supported. Differences emerged in meaning activation patterns with the subordinate meanings of metaphor inducing differentially reduced N400 effects moving from left hemisphere electrode sites to right hemisphere electrode sites, potentially suggesting increased involvement of the right hemisphere in the processing of figurative meaning.

Comprehension of lexical ambiguity in healthy aging, mild cognitive impairment, and mild Alzheimer's disease.

Two experiments examined processing of lexical ambiguity in healthy older control (HC), mild cognitive impairment (MCI) and Alzheimer's disease (AD) participants. In Experiment 1, groups of HC, MCI and AD participants took part in an ERP study in which they read lexically ambiguous items presented in a subordinate context and primed by the same item presented in a dominant context. Ambiguous items were homonyms (e.g., bank), metaphorical polysemes (e.g., star), or metonyms (e.g., rabbit). All participants exhibited smaller N400s for items preceded by a related prime. In addition, HC participants exhibited a smaller N400 for metonyms than for metaphorical polysemes or homonyms; this effect was diminished in MCI and AD participants. In Experiment 2, HC and MCI participants completed a primed lexical decision task where targets related to the subordinate meaning/sense of ambiguous items were preceded by primes biasing the dominant meaning/sense (e.g., financial-bank-river). In contrast to the results of Experiment 1, both HC and MCI participants showed priming for metonymic items, but not homonyms or metaphorical polysemes. These results suggest that basic knowledge of multiple senses of metonyms is preserved in MCI, but the processing advantage conveyed by this semantic richness is diminished in MCI and AD.

Making sense of word senses: the comprehension of polysemy depends on sense overlap.

Studies of polysemy are few in number and are contradictory. Some have found differences between polysemy and homonymy (L. Frazier & K. Rayner, 1990), and others have found similarities (D. K. Klein & G. Murphy, 2001). The authors investigated this issue using the methods of D. K. Klein and G. Murphy (2001), in whose study participants judged whether ambiguous words embedded in word pairs (e.g., tasty chicken) made sense as a function of a cooperating, conflicting, or neutral context. The ambiguous words were independently rated as having low, moderate, or highly overlapping senses to approximate a continuum from homonymy to metonymic polysemy. The effects of meaning dominance were examined. Words with highly overlapping meanings (e.g., metonymy) showed reduced effects of context and dominance compared with words with moderately or low overlapping meanings (e.g., metaphorical polysemy and homonymy). These results suggest that the comprehension of ambiguous words is mediated by the semantic overlap of alternative senses/meanings.

Processing homonymy and polysemy: effects of sentential context and time-course following unilateral brain damage.

The present study investigated the abilities of left-hemisphere-damaged (LHD) non-fluent aphasic, right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD), and normal control individuals to access, in sentential biasing contexts, the multiple meanings of three types of ambiguous words, namely homonyms (e.g., "punch"), metonymies (e.g., "rabbit"), and metaphors (e.g., "star"). Furthermore, the predictions of the "suppression deficit" and "coarse semantic coding" hypotheses, which have been proposed to account for RH language function/dysfunction, were tested. Using an auditory semantic priming paradigm, ambiguous words were incorporated in dominant- or subordinate-biasing sentence-primes followed after a short (100 ms) or long (1,000 ms) interstimulus interval (ISI) by dominant-meaning-related, subordinate-meaning-related or unrelated target words. For all three types of ambiguous words, both the effects of context and ISI were obvious in the performance of normal control subjects, who showed multiple meaning activation at the short ISI, but eventually, at the long ISI, contextually appropriate meaning selection. Largely similar performance was exhibited by the LHD non-fluent aphasic patients as well. In contrast, RHD patients showed limited effects of context, and no effects of the time-course of processing. In addition, although homonymous and metonymous words showed similar patterns of activation (i.e., both meanings were activated at both ISIs), RHD patients had difficulties activating the subordinate meanings of metaphors, suggesting a selective problem with figurative meanings. Although the present findings do not provide strong support for either the "coarse semantic coding" or the "suppression deficit" hypotheses, they are viewed as being more consistent with the latter, according to which RH damage leads to deficits suppressing alternative meanings of ambiguous words that become incompatible with the context.

Unilateral brain damage effects on processing homonymous and polysemous words.

Using an auditory semantic priming paradigm, the present study investigated the abilities of left-hemisphere-damaged (LHD) non-fluent aphasic, right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD) and normal control individuals to access, out of context, the multiple meanings of three types of ambiguous words, namely homonyms (e.g., "punch"), metonymies (e.g., "rabbit"), and metaphors (e.g., "star"). In addition, the study tested certain predictions of the "suppression deficit" and "coarse semantic coding" hypotheses that have been proposed to account for the linguistic deficits typically observed after RH damage. Homonymous, metonymous, and metaphorical words were used as primes followed after a short (100 ms) or a long (1000 ms) inter-stimulus interval (ISI) by dominant-meaning-related, subordinate-meaning-related or unrelated target words. No significant group effects were found, and for both ISIs, dominant- and subordinate-related targets were facilitated relative to unrelated control targets for the homonymy and metonymy conditions. In contrast, for the metaphor condition, only targets related to the dominant meaning were facilitated. These findings provide only partial support for the "suppression deficit" hypothesis and no support for the "coarse semantic coding" hypothesis (as interpreted herein) indicating that patients with focal LH or RH damage can access the multiple meanings of ambiguous words and exhibit processing abilities comparable to those of older normal control subjects, at least at the single-word level.

The processing of lexical ambiguity: homonymy and polysemy in the mental lexicon.

Under the theoretical assumption that lexical ambiguity is not a homogeneous phenomenon, but rather that it is subdivided into two distinct types, namely homonymy and polysemy, the present study investigated whether these different types of lexical ambiguity are psychologically real. Four types of ambiguous words, homonymous words (e.g., "pen"), polysemous words with metaphorical extensions (e.g., "eye"), polysemous words with a count/mass metonymic extension (e.g., "turkey"), and polysemous words with a producer/product metonymic extension (e.g., "Dali"), were used in a cross-modal sentence-priming lexical decision task. Overall, the theoretical distinction between homonymy and polysemy was reflected in the results of the present study, which revealed differential processing depending on the type of ambiguity.