The epidemiology of mental and substance use disorders in Australia 2020-22: Prevalence, socio-demographic correlates, severity, impairment and changes over time.

OBJECTIVE: Mental and substance use disorders are the leading causes of disability worldwide. Contemporary estimates of prevalence, severity and impairment are essential for service planning. This study provides estimates of prevalence, severity, impairment and demographic correlates of mental and substance use disorders in 2020-22 and changes in prevalence since 2007. METHODS: Data were from the two Australian National Surveys of Mental Health and Wellbeing conducted in 2020-22 (N = 15,893) and 2007 (N = 8841). Descriptive statistics report prevalence of lifetime and 12-month mental and substance use disorder by sex and age, proportion of people with each mental disorder by levels of severity (mild, moderate and severe) and mean days out of role by mental disorder class (mood, anxiety, substance use). Logistic regression analyses examined demographic correlates of mental disorder class and assessed changes over time. RESULTS: The lifetime prevalence of any mental or substance use disorder in 2020-22 was 40.2%. The 12-month prevalence was 20.2% (mood disorder - 7.4%, anxiety disorder - 15.7% and substance use disorder - 3.1%). Mood disorders were associated with significant impairment. The prevalence of mental disorders has changed over time, with mood and anxiety disorders increasing and substance use disorders decreasing. These changes were most evident among young adults. CONCLUSION: Mental disorders are common in Australia. Impairment associated with mental disorders remains significant. Particular focus should be paid to young adults aged 16-24 years who have shown the largest increases in anxiety and mood disorder prevalence over the past 13 years.

Public health measures related to the transmissibility of suicide.

Transmission is an important concept in suicide prevention. It can occur when exposure to another person's death by suicide (or to suicide-related information more generally) draws attention to suicide or highlights specific suicide methods. In this paper, the fourth in a Series on a public health approach to suicide prevention, we contend that the transmissibility of suicide must be considered when determining optimal ways to address it. We draw on five examples of how transmission might occur and be prevented. The first two examples relate to transmission initiated by representations of suicide in traditional and new media. The third concerns transmission that leads to suicide clusters, and the fourth considers a specific setting in which transmission occurs, namely secondary schools. Finally, we discuss how suicide risk might be countered by the transmission of suicide prevention messages in media campaigns.

Preventing suicide: a call to action.

The public health approach to suicide prevention requires us to move away from thinking about suicide as a purely clinical problem and to pay heed to the array of social determinants (such as financial hardship or domestic violence and abuse) that might lead people to consider suicide as an option. Clinical factors are important, and, indeed, clinical or indicated interventions are entirely appropriate for people who have reached a point of crisis and should be a mainstay of national suicide prevention strategies. However, our Series stresses the need for selective and universal interventions that tackle the pervasive problem of suicide in a more upstream way, preventing people reaching a crisis point. Many social determinants can best be addressed by sectors outside health, so we are calling for a whole-of-government commitment to suicide prevention. We make recommendations for actions in the areas of policy, practice, research, and advocacy. People with lived experience of suicide should have genuine involvement in all of these actions.

The effect of economic downturn, financial hardship, unemployment, and relevant government responses on suicide.

Economic circumstances and related factors, including unemployment and poverty, can have substantial effects on suicide rates. This relationship applies in all countries, irrespective of their World Bank income status or level of development. Therefore, means of mitigating such influences are essential components of strategies to reduce suicides. In this Series paper, we consider examples of such initiatives, including national policies to try to reduce the effect of economic downturns, efforts to maintain employment and avoid damaging austerity measures, maintenance of reasonable minimum wage levels, and specific policies to assist those most affected by poverty. We also highlight upstream measures such as investment in transport infrastructure, industries, and retraining programmes. Positive public health messaging that encourages coping, together with discouragement of media stories with messages that could contribute to hopelessness in those experiencing economic difficulties, can also be important components of strategies to try to reduce the effect of economic downturn on suicide.

Restriction of access to means used for suicide.

One of the most effective public health measures to prevent suicide is the restriction of access to means used in suicidal acts. This approach can be especially effective if a method is common and readily accessible. Suicide methods vary widely, and there have been several examples where means restriction has been applied, often with considerable success. Factors contributing to availability of suicide methods can include access to physical means as well as cognitive awareness of methods. In this paper, which is the second in a Series on a public health approach to suicide prevention, we focus primarily on examples of restricting access to physical means of suicide, such as pesticides, firearms, and medication. We also discuss restricting the cognitive availability of means through attention to media and other representations of suicide methods. There are challenges associated with restricting access to means, including resistance to measures required to change the availability of some methods (which might, in part, be commercially determined) and method substitution, whereby one suicide method is replaced by another. Nevertheless, means restriction must be an integral part of all national and local suicide prevention strategies.

Addressing key risk factors for suicide at a societal level.

A public health approach to suicide prevention recognises the powerful influence of social determinants. In this paper-the fifth in a Series on a public health approach to suicide prevention-we consider four major risk factors for suicide (alcohol use, gambling, domestic violence and abuse, and suicide bereavement) and examine how their influence on suicide is socially determined. Cultural factors and societal responses have an important role in all four risk factors. In the case of alcohol use and gambling, commercial entities are culpable. This Series paper describes a range of universal, selective, and indicated interventions that might address these risk factors, and focuses particularly on key universal interventions that are likely to yield substantial population-level benefits.

Preventing suicide: a public health approach to a global problem.

Suicide is prevalent in all countries and is largely preventable. The causes of suicide are multiple and varied. Social determinants of suicide are crucial, but to date these have received insufficient policy attention. This paper, which is the first in a Series on taking a public health approach to suicide prevention, argues for a major change in the way we think about suicide and its prevention. This Series paper presents a public health model that emphasises the broad social determinants of suicide and describes a framework through which these might be addressed. We argue for a policy reset that would take national suicide prevention strategies to the next level. Such policies would become whole-of-government endeavours that tackle major social determinants of suicide at their source. We also argue that high-quality data and methodologically rigorous evaluation are integral to this public health approach.

BMI trajectories from infancy to 18 years and mental health in emerging adulthood.

BACKGROUND: Studies exploring early life-course BMI trajectories and subsequent mental health outcomes are limited but may provide important insights for early intervention. We investigated associations between BMI trajectories from 0 to 18 years and mental health outcomes in emerging adulthood. METHODS: Data were obtained from 434 participants in the Melbourne Atopy Cohort Study (MACS). Anthropometric data were collected across 26 timepoints from infancy to age 25 and group-based trajectory modelling used to develop BMI trajectories from 0.1 to 18 years. Moderate-to-severe psychological distress (MSPD) and likely depression were assessed at age 18 and 25 years. Associations between BMI trajectories and mental health at 25 years and change in mental health between 18 and 25 years were estimated using logistic regression. History of asthma, hay fever or eczema were independently examined as potential effect modifiers. RESULTS: Five BMI trajectories were identified from 1 month to 18 years. When compared to the stable average BMI trajectory, we found increased risk of MSPD (OR = 2.97; 95%CI: 1.09,8.06) and likely depression (3.56; 1.39,9.12) at age 25 in the average increasing to high trajectory. This group also had a greater likelihood of new-onset depression (4.82; 1.54,15.0) from 18 to 25 years of age. LIMITATIONS: MACS participants are not representative of the general population and mental health data was not available before 18 years of age. CONCLUSION: Excessive weight gain across the childhood transition was associated with poorer mental health in emerging adulthood, highlighting the importance of monitoring growth to allow for early identification and stratification of individuals are risk of poor mental health.

Effectiveness of partial restriction of access to means in jumping suicide: lessons from four bridges in three countries.

AIMS: Restricting access to means by installing physical barriers has been shown to be the most effective intervention in preventing jumping suicides on bridges. However, little is known about the effectiveness of partial restriction with interventions that still allow jumping from the bridge. METHODS: This study used a quasi-experimental design. Public sites that met our inclusion criteria were identified using Google search and data on jumping suicides on Bridge A (South Korea), Bridges B and C (the United States) and Bridge D (Canada) were obtained from the relevant datasets. Incidence rate ratios (IRRs) were estimated using Poisson regressions comparing suicide numbers before and after the installation of physical structures at each site. RESULTS: Fences with sensor wires and spinning handrails installed above existing railings on the Bridge A, and fences at each side of the entrances and the midpoint of main suspension cables on the Bridge D were associated with significant reductions in suicides (IRR 0.37, 95% Confidence Interval (CI) 0.26 - 0.54; 0.26, 95% CI 0.09 - 0.76). Installation of bird spike on the parapet on the Bridge B, and fences at the front of seating alcoves on the Bridge C were not associated with changes in suicides (1.21, 95% CI 0.88 - 1.68; 1.49, 95% CI 0.56 - 3.98). CONCLUSIONS: Partial means restriction (such as fences with sensor wires and spinning bars at the top, and partial fencing at selected points) on bridges appears to be helpful in preventing suicide. Although these interventions are unlikely to be as effective as interventions that fully secure the bridge and completely prevent jumping, they might best be thought of as temporary solutions before more complete or permanent structures are implemented.

Change in incidents of suicidal acts after intervention on a bridge in South Korea.

PURPOSE: To investigate whether two novel interventions on a bridge - a Video Incident Detection System (VIDS) and spinning bar barriers - have an impact on suicidal behaviour on the bridge. METHODS: A total of 146 suicidal acts were retrieved for analyses; 108 interventions before suicidal acts, 35 suicide deaths and 3 suicide attempts. Incident rate ratios (IRR) were calculated to estimate the change in incident rate associated with implementation of the two interventions: VIDS and the spinning bar 2-metre high barrier. RESULTS: The results of the Poisson regression showed that the rate of suicide deaths, after installation the VIDS, did not change significantly (IRR: 1.23, 95% Confidence Interval [95% CI]: 0.59-2.56), although the rate of intervened suicidal acts increased (IRR: 2.40, 95% CI: 1.65-3.47). The results showed that subsequent spinning bar installation resulted in a decrease in the incident rate of intervened suicidal acts (IRR: 0.37, 95% CI: 0.25-0.57) as well as suicide deaths (IRR: 0.23, 95% CI: 0.07-0.71). Comparison of the period when both interventions were in place with the period with no interventions indicated a reduction in suicide deaths (IRR: 0.28, 95% CI: 0.10-0.82), but no change in intervened suicidal acts (IRR: 0.90, 95% CI: 0.59-1.38). CONCLUSION: The rate of suicide death decreased after the installation of the spinning bar barrier but not after the implementation of VIDS alone. Our findings reinforce that restricting access to means is a highly effective way of preventing suicide on bridges and that spinning bars may be a helpful way to design barriers.

Government funded suicide prevention in Australia - an environmental scan.

BACKGROUND: Suicide is a worldwide public health problem. In response to this problem, Australia was one of the first countries to develop national suicide prevention policy. Guided by the National Suicide Prevention Office (NSPO), which was established in 2021, suicide prevention in Australia is in a period of reform. The NSPO is driving a nationally consistent and integrated approach to suicide prevention including leading the development of a new National Suicide Prevention Strategy. This article summarises findings from an environmental scan of government-led suicide prevention in Australia, conducted as an input for the development of the new Strategy. METHODS: The scan was conducted from August 2022 to January 2023. We searched relevant government websites and Google to identify policy documents and programs and services. We undertook a desktop review of documents and programs/services using coding templates developed to address the objectives of the scan. Qualitative information was extracted in a systematic manner using these templates. RESULTS: Australia's suicide prevention efforts are significant as demonstrated by activities ranging from policy documents intended to guide and plan activity, the National Mental Health and Suicide Prevention Agreement committing the Federal Government and jurisdictions to work together, and the availability of national, state, local area based, and digital services and programs. Suicide prevention approaches in Australia are mostly selective or indicated. There is less emphasis on universal approaches, wellbeing promotion, strengthening protective factors and mitigating the impact of known drivers of distress. In addition, there is limited evidence to demonstrate a whole-of-government or whole-of-system approach is operating in Australia. Findings should be interpreted in the context that suicide prevention in Australia is currently in a period of transition. CONCLUSIONS: Current government emphasis on and investment in suicide prevention activity, together with strong commitment to lived experience and cross sectorial collaboration, are substantial and appropriate. There are also many opportunities to further progress cross-portfolio and cross-jurisdiction suicide prevention and response efforts. This requires urgently adopting a shared understanding of suicide, which includes the diverse drivers of suicidal distress, and improving protective factors and social wellbeing.

High-Risk Suicide Locations in Australia.

Importance: Although several interventions have been shown to be effective in preventing suicide at high-risk locations, the potential for these interventions to be deployed is limited by a lack of knowledge about where high-risk locations are and the factors associated with choosing these locations. Objective: To identify high-risk suicide locations in Australia and the factors associated with choosing these locations. Design, Setting, and Participants: This case-control study included data on individuals who died by suicide in Australia between January 2001 and December 2017, obtained from the National Coronial Information System. Data analysis was conducted from February to December 2021. Exposures: Sociodemographic, residential, incident time, and incident location variables. Main Outcomes and Measures: The scan statistic was used to detect spatial clusters of suicides in public locations. Suicide locations within significant clusters with at least 0.5 suicides per year were defined as high-risk locations. Multivariable logistic regression analyses were performed to examine the factors associated with choosing a high-risk location. Results: Over the study period, 10 701 suicides took place in public places. The individuals who died of suicide in public places included 8602 (80.4%) male individuals, and most were aged 25 to 49 years (5825 [54.5%]). A total of 17 high-risk suicide locations in Australia were detected. These involved 495 suicides, which accounted for 4.6% of suicides in public locations. For suicides at high-risk locations, 82.2% (407 of 495) occurred at cliffs and bridges. Being female (adjusted odds ratio [aOR], 1.73; 95% CI, 1.41-2.13), employed (aOR, 1.57; 95% CI, 1.20-2.04), never married (aOR, 1.64; 95% CI, 1.26-2.13), and from a major city (aOR, 3.94; 95% CI, 2.94-5.28) were associated with the choice of a high- over low-risk suicide location. High-risk locations tended to be in major cities. Conclusions and Relevance: This case-control study found 17 high-risk suicide locations in Australia and the factors associated with the choice of these locations. Actions should be taken to prevent suicide at these locations where possible.

Suicidal ideation, suicide plans and suicide attempts among Australian adults: Findings from the 2020-2022 National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing.

OBJECTIVE: This study aimed to describe the epidemiology of suicidal ideation, suicide plans and suicide attempts, examine services received for suicide attempts, and explore the relationship between suicide attempts and self-harm without suicidal intent. METHODS: We used survey data from the 2020-2022 National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, which involved a nationally representative sample of Australian adults aged 16-85 (n = 15,893). Comparisons were made with the 2007 National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing (n = 8841). RESULTS: In 2020-2022, the proportions of adults who had experienced suicidal ideation, suicide plans and suicide attempts during their lifetime were 16.6%, 7.5% and 4.9%, respectively. The proportions who had experienced these in the past 12 months were 3.3%, 1.1% and 0.3%. The odds of experiencing suicidal ideation and making a suicide plan were significantly higher in 2020-2022 than in 2007. Groups at heightened risk of suicidal ideation, suicide plans and/or suicide attempts in the previous 12 months were males, young people, people who were gay, lesbian, or bisexual or used some other term to describe their sexual identity, people outside the labour force, people from disadvantaged areas and people with mental disorders. Two-fifths of those who attempted suicide during the previous 12 months did not use health services following their attempt, and two-thirds also self-harmed without suicidal intent. CONCLUSION: The implications of these findings for the forthcoming National Suicide Prevention Strategy are discussed. Suicidal thoughts and behaviours confer risk for suicide and are significant problems in their own right. Their prevention requires a strong whole-of-government response.

Change in attitudes after a suicide prevention media campaign in the Mid-Norway region.

BACKGROUND: Suicide prevention media campaigns are one way of reaching people at increased suicide risk who would otherwise not seek help. This is the first study of a Norwegian campaign directed both at individuals at risk for suicide and at their social network. METHODS: We evaluated a media campaign consisting of outdoor posters, feature articles, film clips, and online banners in print, digital, and social media spread across the Mid-Norway region in late autumn 2022. This campaign material consisted of information about how to seek help for suicide thoughts and mental health problems and how to help a friend in similar situations. Before and after this campaign, 1149 adult individuals living in Mid-Norway participated in a survey on attitudes to suicide, mental ill health, and help-seeking. RESULTS: There were only marginal changes in attitudes and help-seeking literacy after the campaign. This result was sustained when controlling for age, sex, and campaign visibility. For males, there were a few changes in the negative direction, i.e. lack of willingness to seek help from family and friends, after the campaign. CONCLUSION: We conclude that the campaign did not seem to have the desired effect and suggest ways of improving future regional Norwegian media campaigns.

Suicide prevention: reflections on progress over the past decade.

Interest in preventing suicides has increased greatly in recent years. In this Personal View, we consider the general global developments related to suicide prevention that have occurred in the decade since The Lancet Psychiatry was first published in 2014. We then review specific advances during this period, first, in relation to public health initiatives, and second, with regard to clinical developments. Finally, we examine some of the challenges that currently confront individuals and organisations responsible for designing and implementing suicide prevention measures.

Evaluating Population-Level Interventions and Exposures for Suicide Prevention.

Evaluations of interventions targeting the population level are an essential component of the policy development cycle. Pre-post designs are widespread in suicide prevention research but have several significant limitations. To inform future evaluations, our aim is to explore the three most frequently used approaches for assessing the association between population-level interventions or exposures and suicide - the pre-post design, the difference-in-difference design, and Poisson regression approaches. The pre-post design and the difference-in-difference design will only produce unbiased estimates of an association if there are no underlying time trends in the data and there is no additional confounding from other sources. Poisson regression approaches with covariates for time can control for underlying time trends as well as the effects of other confounding factors. Our recommendation is that the default position should be to model the effects of population-level interventions or exposures using regression methods that account for time effects. The other designs should be seen as fall-back positions when insufficient data are available to use methods that control for time effects.

A longitudinal study of the impacts of a stay in a Prevention and Recovery Care service in Victoria, Australia.

BACKGROUND: Prevention and Recovery Care services are residential sub-acute services in Victoria, Australia, guided by a commitment to recovery-oriented practice. The evidence regarding the effectiveness of this service model is limited, largely relying on small, localised evaluations. This study involved a state-wide investigation into the personal recovery, perceived needs for care, well-being and quality-of-life outcomes experienced by Prevention and Recovery Care services' consumers. METHODS: A longitudinal cohort design examined the trajectory of self-reported personal recovery and other outcomes for consumers in 19 Victorian Prevention and Recovery Care services over 4 time points (T1 - 1 week after admission; T2 - within 1 week of discharge; T3 - 6 months after discharge; T4 - 12 months after discharge). T2-T4 time frames were extended by approximately 3 weeks due to recruitment challenges. The Questionnaire about the Process of Recovery was the primary outcome measure. RESULTS: At T1, 298 consumers were recruited. By T4, 114 remained in the study. Participants scored higher on the Questionnaire about the Process of Recovery at all three time points after T1. There were also sustained improvements on all secondary outcome measures. Improvements were then sustained at each subsequent post-intervention time point. Community inclusion and having needs for care met also improved. CONCLUSION: The findings provide a consistent picture of benefits for consumers using Prevention and Recovery Care services, with significant improvement in personal recovery, quality of life, mental health and well-being following an admission to a Prevention and Recovery Care service. Further attention needs to be given to how to sustain the gains made through a Prevention and Recovery Care service admission in the long term.

Suicide within five years of hospital-treated self-harm: A data linkage cohort study.

BACKGROUND: Hospital-treated self-harm is a strong predictor of suicide and hospital contacts may include missed opportunities for suicide prevention. We conducted a data linkage study to identify factors associated with suicide in people treated in hospital for self-harm in Victoria, Australia. METHOD: We undertook a cohort study following 14,307 people treated in hospital for an episode of self-harm (i.e., either admitted or non-admitted ED presentations) over the period 2011 and 2012 and used data from the Victorian Suicide Register to identify suicides within 5 years. We estimated unadjusted hazard ratios (HRs) for suicide using survival analysis for each exposure variable and then computed adjusted HRs using a multivariate model that included all exposure variables. RESULTS: Among females, the risk of suicide was higher in those aged 50-74 years (HR 1.78; Cl: 1.02, 3.10), residing in areas of least disadvantage (HR 2.58; Cl: 1.21, 5.50), who used hanging as a method of self-harm (HR 5.17; Cl: 1.86, 14.35) and with organic disorders (HR 6.71; Cl: 2.61, 17.23) or disorders of adult personality and behaviour (HR 2.10; Cl: 1.03, 4.27). In males, the risk of suicide was higher in those who used motor vehicle exhaust gas (MVEG) as a method of self-harm (HR 3.48; Cl: 1.73, 7.01), and with disorders due to psychoactive substance abuse (HR 1.75; Cl: 1.14, 2.67). CONCLUSION: Although all patients should be routinely assessed for risk and needs following hospital-treated self-harm including appropriate follow-up care, people who use MVEG or hanging as methods of self-harm are obvious candidates for close follow-up.

Road vehicle collision suicide in Australia: Trends, collision types, and individual characteristics.

BACKGROUND: Suicide by road vehicle collision in Australia is under-explored with mixed findings. We aimed to address this research gap by examining time trends, different types of vehicle collision, and individual characteristics related to vehicle-collision suicide. METHOD: We retrospectively analyzed deaths by suicide between 1st January 2001 and 31st December 2017 in Australia, using coronial records from the National Coronial Information System. The travel mode used and collision counterpart were retrieved from records of death by vehicle-collision suicide using all available information. We conducted negative binomial regression analysis to examine annual changes in suicide rate by vehicle collision on a public road (N = 640) and other methods of suicide (N = 41,890), and logistic regression analysis to examine individual characteristics associated with the likelihood of dying by suicide via road vehicle collision. RESULTS: Overall, the national suicide rate involving road vehicle collision significantly increased, while the rate by other methods significantly decreased. Drivers accounted for 61% of suicide events by vehicle collision, of which 72% were single-vehicle collisions (commonly involving a tree). For multiple-vehicle collision suicide events, 82% involved collision with a truck. Pedestrians accounted for more than one-third of suicide events, of which 58% involved collision with a truck and 23% involved collision with a car/van. Individuals who were male (odds ratio 1.15; 95% CI 0.88-1.50), aged <25 years old (odds ratio 5.27; 95% CI 3.05-9.10), non-Indigenous (odds ratio 3.36; 95% CI 1.71-6.62), and born overseas (odds ratio 1.40; 95% CI 1.10-1.79) were more likely to die by vehicle-collision suicide than by other methods of suicide. CONCLUSIONS: This study provides a better understanding of road vehicle collision suicide in Australia and informs future research directions on topic. Our findings can be used to inform suicide prevention initiatives to reduce vehicle-collision suicide deaths.