Speech categorization develops slowly through adolescence.

The development of the ability to categorize speech sounds is often viewed as occurring primarily during infancy via perceptual learning mechanisms. However, a number of studies suggest that even after infancy, children's categories become more categorical and well defined through about age 12. We investigated the cognitive changes that may be responsible for such development using a visual world paradigm experiment based on (McMurray, Tanenhaus, & Aslin, 2002). Children from 3 age groups (7-8, 12-13, and 17-18 years) heard a token from either a b/p or s/∫ continua spanning 2 words (beach/peach, ship/sip) and selected its referent from a screen containing 4 pictures of potential lexical candidates. Eye movements to each object were monitored as a measure of how strongly children were committing to each candidate as perception unfolds in real-time. Results showed an ongoing sharpening of speech categories through 18, which was particularly apparent during the early stages of real-time perception. When analysis targeted to specifically within-category sensitivity to continuous detail, children exhibited increasingly gradient categories over development, suggesting that increasing sensitivity to fine-grained detail in the signal enables these more discrete categorizations. Together these suggest that speech development is a protracted process in which children's increasing sensitivity to within-category detail in the signal enables increasingly sharp phonetic categories. (PsycINFO Database Record

Waiting for lexical access: Cochlear implants or severely degraded input lead listeners to process speech less incrementally.

Spoken language unfolds over time. Consequently, there are brief periods of ambiguity, when incomplete input can match many possible words. Typical listeners solve this problem by immediately activating multiple candidates which compete for recognition. In two experiments using the visual world paradigm, we examined real-time lexical competition in prelingually deaf cochlear implant (CI) users, and normal hearing (NH) adults listening to severely degraded speech. In Experiment 1, adolescent CI users and NH controls matched spoken words to arrays of pictures including pictures of the target word and phonological competitors. Eye-movements to each referent were monitored asa measure of how strongly that candidate was considered over time. Relative to NH controls, CI users showed a large delay in fixating any object, less competition from onset competitors (e.g., sandwich after hearing sandal), and increased competition from rhyme competitors (e.g., candle after hearing sandal). Experiment 2 observed the same pattern with NH listeners hearing highly degraded speech. These studies suggests that in contrast to all prior studies of word recognition in typical listeners, listeners recognizing words in severely degraded conditions can exhibit a substantively different pattern of dynamics, waiting to begin lexical access until substantial information has accumulated.

The Effect of Residual Acoustic Hearing and Adaptation to Uncertainty on Speech Perception in Cochlear Implant Users: Evidence From Eye-Tracking.

OBJECTIVES: While outcomes with cochlear implants (CIs) are generally good, performance can be fragile. The authors examined two factors that are crucial for good CI performance. First, while there is a clear benefit for adding residual acoustic hearing to CI stimulation (typically in low frequencies), it is unclear whether this contributes directly to phonetic categorization. Thus, the authors examined perception of voicing (which uses low-frequency acoustic cues) and fricative place of articulation (s/∫, which does not) in CI users with and without residual acoustic hearing. Second, in speech categorization experiments, CI users typically show shallower identification functions. These are typically interpreted as deriving from noisy encoding of the signal. However, psycholinguistic work suggests shallow slopes may also be a useful way to adapt to uncertainty. The authors thus employed an eye-tracking paradigm to examine this in CI users. DESIGN: Participants were 30 CI users (with a variety of configurations) and 22 age-matched normal hearing (NH) controls. Participants heard tokens from six b/p and six s/∫ continua (eight steps) spanning real words (e.g., beach/peach, sip/ship). Participants selected the picture corresponding to the word they heard from a screen containing four items (a b-, p-, s- and ∫-initial item). Eye movements to each object were monitored as a measure of how strongly they were considering each interpretation in the moments leading up to their final percept. RESULTS: Mouse-click results (analogous to phoneme identification) for voicing showed a shallower slope for CI users than NH listeners, but no differences between CI users with and without residual acoustic hearing. For fricatives, CI users also showed a shallower slope, but unexpectedly, acoustic + electric listeners showed an even shallower slope. Eye movements showed a gradient response to fine-grained acoustic differences for all listeners. Even considering only trials in which a participant clicked "b" (for example), and accounting for variation in the category boundary, participants made more looks to the competitor ("p") as the voice onset time neared the boundary. CI users showed a similar pattern, but looked to the competitor more than NH listeners, and this was not different at different continuum steps. CONCLUSION: Residual acoustic hearing did not improve voicing categorization suggesting it may not help identify these phonetic cues. The fact that acoustic + electric users showed poorer performance on fricatives was unexpected as they usually show a benefit in standardized perception measures, and as sibilants contain little energy in the low-frequency (acoustic) range. The authors hypothesize that these listeners may overweight acoustic input, and have problems when this is not available (in fricatives). Thus, the benefit (or cost) of acoustic hearing for phonetic categorization may be complex. Eye movements suggest that in both CI and NH listeners, phoneme categorization is not a process of mapping continuous cues to discrete categories. Rather listeners preserve gradiency as a way to deal with uncertainty. CI listeners appear to adapt to their implant (in part) by amplifying competitor activation to preserve their flexibility in the face of potential misperceptions.

The slow developmental time course of real-time spoken word recognition.

This study investigated the developmental time course of spoken word recognition in older children using eye tracking to assess how the real-time processing dynamics of word recognition change over development. We found that 9-year-olds were slower to activate the target words and showed more early competition from competitor words than 16-year-olds; however, both age groups ultimately fixated targets to the same degree. This contrasts with a prior study of adolescents with language impairment (McMurray, Samelson, Lee, & Tomblin, 2010) that showed a different pattern of real-time processes. These findings suggest that the dynamics of word recognition are still developing even at these late ages, and developmental changes may derive from different sources than individual differences in relative language ability.