Women's subsistence strategies predict fertility across cultures, but context matters.

While it is commonly assumed that farmers have higher, and foragers lower, fertility compared to populations practicing other forms of subsistence, robust supportive evidence is lacking. We tested whether subsistence activities-incorporating market integration-are associated with fertility in 10,250 women from 27 small-scale societies and found considerable variation in fertility. This variation did not align with group-level subsistence typologies. Societies labeled as "farmers" did not have higher fertility than others, while "foragers" did not have lower fertility. However, at the individual level, we found strong evidence that fertility was positively associated with farming and moderate evidence of a negative relationship between foraging and fertility. Markers of market integration were strongly negatively correlated with fertility. Despite strong cross-cultural evidence, these relationships were not consistent in all populations, highlighting the importance of the socioecological context, which likely influences the diverse mechanisms driving the relationship between fertility and subsistence.

Norm violations and punishments across human societies.

Punishments for norm violations are hypothesised to be a crucial component of the maintenance of cooperation in humans but are rarely studied from a comparative perspective. We investigated the degree to which punishment systems were correlated with socioecology and cultural history. We took data from the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample database and coded ethnographic documents from a sample of 131 largely non-industrial societies. We recorded whether punishment for norm violations concerned adultery, religion, food, rape or war cowardice and whether sanctions were reputational, physical, material or execution. We used Bayesian phylogenetic regression modelling to test for culture-level covariation. We found little evidence of phylogenetic signals in evidence for punishment types, suggesting that punishment systems change relatively quickly over cultural evolutionary history. We found evidence that reputational punishment was associated with egalitarianism and the absence of food storage; material punishment was associated with the presence of food storage; physical punishment was moderately associated with greater dependence on hunting; and execution punishment was moderately associated with social stratification. Taken together, our results suggest that the role and kind of punishment vary both by the severity of the norm violation, but also by the specific socio-economic system of the society.

Coevolution of religious and political authority in Austronesian societies.

Authority, an institutionalized form of social power, is one of the defining features of the large-scale societies that evolved during the Holocene. Religious and political authority have deep histories in human societies and are clearly interdependent, but the nature of their relationship and its evolution over time is contested. We purpose-built an ethnographic dataset of 97 Austronesian societies and used phylogenetic methods to address two long-standing questions about the evolution of religious and political authority: first, how these two institutions have coevolved, and second, whether religious and political authority have tended to become more or less differentiated. We found evidence for mutual interdependence between religious and political authority but no evidence for or against a long-term pattern of differentiation or unification in systems of religious and political authority. Our results provide insight into how political and religious authority have worked synergistically over millennia during the evolution of large-scale societies.

Ethnic Markers without Ethnic Conflict : Why do Interdependent Masikoro, Mikea, and Vezo of Madagascar Signal their Ethnic Differences?

People often signal their membership in groups through their clothes, hairstyle, posture, and dialect. Most existing evolutionary models argue that markers label group members so individuals can preferentially interact with those in their group. Here we ask why people mark ethnic differences when interethnic interaction is routine, necessary, and peaceful. We asked research participants from three ethnic groups in southwestern Madagascar to sort photos of unfamiliar people by ethnicity, and by with whom they would prefer or not prefer to cooperate, in a wage labor vignette. Results indicate that southwestern Malagasy reliably send and detect ethnic signals; they signal less in the marketplace, a primary site of interethnic coordination and cooperation; and they do not prefer co-ethnics as cooperation partners in novel circumstances. Results from a cultural knowledge survey and calculations of cultural FST suggest that these ethnic groups have relatively little cultural differentiation. We concur with Moya and Boyd (Human Nature 26:1-27, 2015) that ethnicity is unlikely to be a singular social phenomenon. The current functions of ethnic divisions and marking may be different from those at the moment of ethnogenesis. Group identities may persist without group conflict or differentiation.

RéSUMé: Les gens montrent souvent leur appartenance à un groupe à travers leurs modes vestimentaires, leur style de coiffure, leur posture et surtout leur dialecte. La plupart des modèles évolutifs existants soutiennent que les marqueurs caractérisent les membres du groupe afin que les individus puissent interagir de manière préférentielle avec les membres de leur groupe. Nous nous demandons ici, pourquoi les gens marquent les différences ethniques lorsque l'interaction interethnique est routinière, nécessaire et pacifique. Nous avons alors demandé à des participants issus de trois groupes ethniques du Sud-Ouest de Madagascar de trier des photos de personnes inconnues en fonction de leur appartenance ethnique, et en fonction des personnes avec lesquelles ils préféreraient ou non coopérer, dans une vignette hypothétique. Les résultats recueilli indiquent clairement que les Malgaches du Sud-Ouest émettent et détectent de manière fiable les indicateurs ethniques; ils émettent moins de signaux indicatifs sur la place du marché, dans un site primaire de coordination et de coopération interethnique; et ils ne préfèrent pas les co-ethnies comme partenaires de coopération dans des circonstances nouvelles. Basé sur les résultats obtenus d'une enquête réalisée sur les connaissances culturelles et les calculs du FST culturel suggèrent que ces groupes ethniques présentent une différenciation culturelle relativement faible. Nous partageons l'opinion de Moya et Boyd (Human Nature 26:1­27, 2015) pour dire qu'il est peu probable que l'ethnicité soit un phénomène social singulier. Les fonctions actuelles des divisions et du marquage ethniques peuvent être différentes de celles du moment de l'ethnogenèse. Les identités de groupe peuvent persister sans qu'il y ait conflit ou différenciation de groupe.

The Life History of Learning Subsistence Skills among Hadza and BaYaka Foragers from Tanzania and the Republic of Congo.

Aspects of human life history and cognition, such as our long childhoods and extensive use of teaching, theoretically evolved to facilitate the acquisition of complex tasks. The present paper empirically examines the relationship between subsistence task difficulty and age of acquisition, rates of teaching, and rates of oblique transmission among Hadza and BaYaka foragers from Tanzania and the Republic of Congo. We further examine cross-cultural variation in how and from whom learning occurred. Learning patterns and community perceptions of task difficulty were assessed through interviews. We found no relationship between task difficulty, age of acquisition, and oblique transmission, and a weak but positive relationship between task difficulty and rates of teaching. While same-sex transmission was normative in both societies, tasks ranked as more difficult were more likely to be transmitted by men among the BaYaka, but not among the Hadza, potentially reflecting cross-cultural differences in the sexual division of subsistence and teaching labor. Further, the BaYaka were more likely to report learning via teaching, and less likely to report learning via observation, than the Hadza, possibly owing to differences in socialization practices.

RéSUMé: Certains aspects de l'histoire de la vie humaine et de la cognition, comme la longue enfance et le recours intensif à l'enseignement, ont théoriquement évolué pour faciliter l'acquisition de tâches complexes. Le présent article examine empiriquement la relation entre la difficulté des tâches de subsistance et l'âge d'acquisition, les taux d'enseignement et les taux de transmission oblique chez les chasseurs-cueilleurs Hadza et BaYaka de Tanzanie et de la République du Congo. Nous avons également examiné les variations interculturelles sur la façon dont l'apprentissage se fait et auprès de qui. Les modèles d'apprentissage et les perceptions de la communauté concernant la difficulté des tâches ont été évalués par le biais d'entretiens. Nous n'avons trouvé aucune relation entre la difficulté de la tâche, l'âge d'acquisition et la transmission oblique, et une relation faible mais positive entre la difficulté de la tâche et les taux d'enseignement. Alors que la transmission entre personnes de même sexe était normative dans les deux sociétés, les tâches classées comme plus difficiles étaient plus susceptibles d'être transmises par les hommes chez les BaYaka, mais pas chez les Hadza, ce qui reflète potentiellement les différences interculturelles dans la division sexuelle touchant le travail impliqué dans la subsistance et l'enseignement. En outre, les BaYaka étaient plus susceptibles que les Hadza de déclarer qu'ils apprenaient au moyen de l'enseignement et moins susceptibles d'apprendre par observation, peut-être en raison de différences dans les pratiques de socialisation.

Using niche construction theory to generate testable foraging hypotheses at Liang Bua.

Niche construction theory (NCT) has emerged as a promising theoretical tool for interpreting zooarchaeological material. However, its juxtaposition against more established frameworks like optimal foraging theory (OFT) has raised important criticism around the testability of NCT for interpreting hominin foraging behavior. Here, we present an optimization foraging model with NCT features designed to consider the destructive realities of the archaeological record after providing a brief review of OFT and NCT. Our model was designed to consider a foragers decision to exploit an environment given predation risk, mortality, and payoff ratios between different ecologies, like more-open or more-forested environments. We then discuss how the model can be used with zooarchaeological data for inferring environmental exploitation by a primitive hominin, Homo floresiensis, from the island of Flores in Southeast Asia. Our example demonstrates that NCT can be used in combination with OFT principles to generate testable foraging hypotheses suitable for zooarchaeological research.