An Unwilling Partnership With the Great Society Part I: Head Start and the Beginning of Change in the White Medical Community.

By 1965, the policies and programs of Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society brought optimism to black physicians and a new wave of resistance against black civil rights advocates in the American South. The largest of the first Head Start programs, Child Development Group of Mississippi (CDGM), had its roots in Freedom Summer 1964 and the Medical Committee for Human Rights. Like other proposed programs with strong medical components, CDGM was caught in a legislative Bermuda triangle created by the powerful Mississippi congressional delegation to maintain white supremacy and plantation economics. Physician-led investigations exposed the extraordinary level of poor health among Mississippi's black children, supported Head Start as a remedy, and awakened the white medical establishment to health disparities of the Jim Crow period. It was also the beginning of positive change in the previously silent white medical community in the South and their support of civil justice in health.

An Unwilling Partnership With the Great Society Part II: Physicians Discover Malnutrition, Hunger and the Politics of Hunger.

The civil rights and social legislation of the Great Society following the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was slow to provide relief for black in the South. Mississippi Senator James Eastland led an effort to defund Head Start, including his state's program, Child Development Group of Mississippi (CDGM), a program with a strong medical component. A senatorial committee, including Robert Kennedy, came to investigate CDGM in 1967. The unimaginable poverty, hunger, malnutrition and chronic disease found in black families was vehemently denied by Eastland. Visits of physician groups then corroborated the findings. The Mississippi delegation made sure that food relief never came and funding for CDGM ceased. Health services were lost to 6000 impoverished children. The epic television documentary, Hunger in America, soon premiered on network television. It triggered ongoing efforts to address health disparities, including implementation of the National Nutrition and Health Survey (NHANES). Similar physician leadership is needed to address the lasting health disparities in our country.

Obesity bias, medical technology, and the hormonal hypothesis: should we stop demonizing fat people?

There is adequate evidence to demonstrate that bias toward obese individuals by health professionals is common. Bias predisposes to errors in medical judgment and care. There is also evidence to show that the pathophysiology of obesity is more complex than eating too much and moving too little. Widespread obesity is a new phenomenon in the United States and reflects changes in culture, including food, at many levels. The modern abundance of low-cost, available, palatable, energy-dense processed foods and the ability of these foods to activate central nervous system centers that drive food preference and overeating appear to play an important role in the obesity epidemic. The usual hormonal systems that promote body weight homeostasis appear to have been counterbalanced by pleasurable (hedonic) influences these foods generate in higher neurologic networks, including the limbic system. The use of medical technology, such as functional magnetic resonance imaging, to quantitate hedonic responses to food, enhance taste, and effectively develop and market commercial food products has produced new areas of ethical concern and opportunities to better understand eating and satiety. These developments further demonstrate the urgency to address the bias that exists toward obese patients.

Black physicians and the struggle for civil rights: lessons from the Mississippi experience: part 2: their lives and experiences.

Little information is available on the lives and experiences of black physicians who practiced in the South during the Jim Crow era of legalized segregation. In Mississippi and elsewhere, it is a story of disenfranchised professionals who risked life, limb, and personal success to improve the lot of those they served. In this second article on this topic, we present the stories of some of the physicians who were leaders in the civil rights movement in Mississippi as examples. Because the health disparities they sought to address have, not of their own making, been passed on to the next generation of physicians, the lessons learned from their experience are worthy of consideration.

Black physicians and the struggle for civil rights: lessons from the Mississippi experience: part 1: the forces for and against change.

The roles of black physicians in the South in the period leading up to the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 have not been fully disclosed. In Mississippi and elsewhere in the South, it is a story of disenfranchised professionals who risked life, limb, and personal success to improve the lot of those they served. This first of 2 articles on the subject provides an overview of the forces for and against the struggle for civil rights and social justice in medicine in the South. We use newly available data from Mississippi as a prime example. An understanding of these forces is essential to an understanding of medical education and medical practice in this period and helps explain why the South remains in last place in most indicators of health today.

A white dean and black physicians at the epicenter of the civil rights movement.

Robert Q. Marston, MD, a gregarious Rhodes and Markel Scholar, native Virginian, and well-connected National Institutes of Health-trained medical scientist found himself the new dean and hospital director of a promising academic medical center at age 38. It was 1961 and the University of Mississippi Medical Center (UMMC) in Jackson was, unknown to him, about to be at the geographic center of the struggle for African American civil rights. That struggle would entangle UMMC in a national search for social justice and change the course of American history and American medicine. Shortly after his arrival, the new dean received and refused a written request from the Secretary of the Mississippi Chapter of the National Medical Association (NMA) to make educational venues at the segregated medical center available to black physicians. The same year, UMMC became the primary medical provider for sick and injured Freedom Riders, sit-in and demonstration participants, and others who breached the racial divide defined by the state's feared Sovereignty Commission. That divide was violently enforced by collaboration among law enforcement, Citizens' Councils, and the Ku Klux Klan. The crescendo of the civil rights struggle that attended Marston's arrival included a deadly riot following James Meredith's integration of the Ole Miss campus in Oxford in 1962, the death of National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) Field Secretary Medgar Evers at UMMC in 1963, a national controversy over UMMC's role in the autopsies of 3 civil rights workers murdered in Neshoba County, an attempt at limited compliance to Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and a federal civil rights complaint against UMMC by the NAACP Legal and Educational Fund in 1965. That complaint noted that UMMC was out of compliance with the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and seriously threatened its federal funding and academic operations. Marston developed a compliance strategy that included the hiring of the first black faculty member, a request for an immediate federal civil rights inspection, and secretive overnight integration of the hospitals and clinics. A key to his strategy was engagement of support from the black community, with whom he had previously developed no relationship. Marston asked NAACP Field Director Charles Evers for support, and met with 5 black Mississippi physicians. Among the 5 was Robert Smith, MD, a founding member of the Medical Committee for Human Rights, the NMA officer whose request for NMA membership-access to the medical center was ignored. He was unaware of their local and national civil rights roles and active dialogue with the federal government on implementation of Title VI. The desire of the black physicians to see UMMC become an equal opportunity health resource resulted in their quiet assistance that aided UMMC compliance initiatives and played a major role in the successful outcome of the 1965 investigation of the charges of Title VI violations. This success established Marston as a national figure in academic medicine and contributed to his selection for positions as Director of The National Institutes of Health and President of the University of Florida. As commemorations of the 50(th) anniversary of Freedom Summer of 1964 proceed, UMMC has become arguably the most racially integrated academic health center in the United States.

The Meeting.

A group of black physicians whose request to attend educational programs at the University of Mississippi Medical Center had been rebuffed by the school's second dean played a central role in helping UMMC survive a federal investigation for non-compliance with the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Unknown to Dean Robert Marston, these physicians had been active in civil rights activities at both state and national levels and were in dialogue with federal civil rights agencies and with the NAACP who filed the complaint against UMMC. Marston called on them as part of a marathon of preparation for the inspection, and they assisted him in achieving an improbable outcome, a finding of compliance. In the process, Marston developed a positive relationship and ongoing dialogue with these black physicians and realized their value to Mississippi. In turn, they elected him to membership in the Mississippi Medical and Surgical Society.

The autopsy of chicken nuggets reads "chicken little".

PURPOSE: To determine the contents of chicken nuggets from 2 national food chains. BACKGROUND: Chicken nuggets have become a major component of the American diet. We sought to determine the current composition of this highly processed food. METHODS: Randomly selected nuggets from 2 different national fast food chains were fixed in formalin, sectioned and stained for microscopic analysis. RESULTS: Striated muscle (chicken meat) was not the predominate component in either nugget. Fat was present in equal or greater quantities along with epithelium, bone, nerve, and connective tissue. CONCLUSION: Chicken nuggets are mostly fat, and their name is a misnomer.