Integrative genomic analysis implicates ERCC6 and its interaction with ERCC8 in susceptibility to breast cancer.

Up to 30% of all breast cancer cases may be inherited and up to 85% of those may be due to segregation of susceptibility genes with low and moderate risk [odds ratios (OR) ≤ 3] for (mostly peri- and post-menopausal) breast cancer. The majority of low/moderate-risk genes, particularly those with minor allele frequencies (MAF) of < 30%, have not been identified and/or validated due to limitations of conventional association testing approaches, which include the agnostic nature of Genome Wide Association Studies (GWAS). To overcome these limitations, we used a hypothesis-driven integrative genomics approach to test the association of breast cancer with candidate genes by analyzing multi-omics data. Our candidate-gene association analyses of GWAS datasets suggested an increased risk of breast cancer with ERCC6 (main effect: 1.29 ≤ OR ≤ 2.91, 0.005 ≤ p ≤ 0.04, 11.8 ≤ MAF ≤ 40.9%), and implicated its interaction with ERCC8 (joint effect: 3.03 ≤ OR ≤ 5.31, 0.01 ≤ pinteraction ≤ 0.03). We found significant upregulation of ERCC6 (p = 7.95 × 10-6) and ERCC8 (p = 4.67 × 10-6) in breast cancer and similar frequencies of ERCC6 (1.8%) and ERCC8 (0.3%) mutations in breast tumors to known breast cancer susceptibility genes such as BLM (1.9%) and LSP1 (0.3%). Our integrative genomics approach suggests that ERCC6 may be a previously unreported low- to moderate-risk breast cancer susceptibility gene, which may also interact with ERCC8.

HOW THE U.S. PRISON BOOM HAS CHANGED THE AGE DISTRIBUTION OF THE PRISON POPULATION.

This article provides a demographic exposition of the changes in the U.S prison population during the period of mass incarceration that began in the late twentieth century. By drawing on data from the Survey of Inmates in State Correctional Facilities (1974-2004) for inmates 17-72 years of age (N = 336), we show that the age distribution shifted upward dramatically: Only 16 percent of the state prison population was 40 years old or older in 1974; by 2004, this percentage had doubled to 33 percent with the median age of prisoners rising from 27 to 34 years old. By using an estimable function approach, we find that the change in the age distribution of the prison population is primarily a cohort effect that is driven by the "enhanced" penal careers of the cohorts who hit young adulthood-the prime age of both crime and incarceration-when substance use was at its peak. Period-specific factors (e.g., proclivity for punishment and incidence of offense) do matter, but they seem to play out more across the life cycles of persons most affected in young adulthood (cohort effects) than across all age groups at one point in time (period effects).

Housing tenure and residential segregation in metropolitan America.

Homeownership, a symbol of the American dream, is one of the primary ways through which families accumulate wealth, particularly for blacks and Hispanics. Surprisingly, no study has explicitly documented the segregation of minority owners and renters from whites. Using data from Census 2000, this study aims to fill this gap. Analyses here reveal that the segregation of black renters relative to whites is significantly lower than the segregation of black owners from whites, controlling for relevant socioeconomic and demographic factors, contrary to the notion that homeownership represents an endpoint in the residential assimilation process. The patterns for Hispanics and Asians conform more to expectations under the spatial assimilation model. The findings here suggest that race and ethnicity continue to be as important in shaping residential segregation as socioeconomic status, and raise concerns about the benefits of homeownership, particularly for blacks.

Trends in the Family Income Distribution by Race/Ethnicity and Income Source, 1988-2009.

The recent dramatic rise in U.S. income inequality has prompted a great deal of research on trends in overall family income and changes in sources of family income, especially among the highest income earners. However, less is known about changes in sources of income among the bottom 99% or about racial/ethnic differences in those trends. The present research contributes to the literatures on income trends and racial economic inequality by using family-level data from the 1988-2009 Current Population Survey to examine changes in overall family income and the proportion of income coming from employment, property/assets, and transfers across five different levels of family income for white-, black, and Hispanic-headed families. We find that at all income levels above the 25th percentile, employment income is by far the largest contributor to family income for all racial/ethnic groups. Employment income trended upward over the period in both real dollars and as a percentage of total family income. In this respect, white, black and Hispanic families are remarkably similar. The racial gap in total family income has remained fairly stable over the period, but this trend conceals a narrowing of racial differences in property income, mostly as a function of the decline in property income among whites, a widening of racial differences in transfer income among the bottom 25%, and a widening of racial differences in employment income, particularly at the top of the family income distribution. Income accrued from wealth is a very small component of overall family income for all three racial groups, even for the highest-income families (top 1%).

Family Income at the Bottom and at the Top: Income Sources and Family Characteristics.

Attention has recently been focused on wealth as a source of long-term economic security and on wealth ownership as a crucial aspect of the racial economic divisions in the United States. This literature, however has been concerned primarily with the wealth gap between poor and middle-class families, and between the white and black middle class. In this paper, we investigate the incomes of families at the top and bottom of the family income distribution. We examine the sources of income and the demographic characteristics of these high-income and low-income families using family level data from the 1988-2003 Current Population Surveys.We find that, at the bottom of the distribution, transfer income is the major income source; in particular, income from social security, supplemental security, and public assistance. At the top, employment income is the largest component of family income. Non-white, female, and non-married householders are disproportionately located at the bottom of the family income distribution. These families consist of both young and old adults, with high-school educations or less, in low-level service occupations. Many are disabled, many are retired. Householders at the top of the income distribution are typically male, white, and married. Householders and spouses at the top are typically middle-age, with college educations, employed in professional service and managerial occupations.We find that wealth is not an important source of income for families at the highest percentiles. The highest income families during this period in the U.S. were not a "property elite": their income is mostly from employment. We speculate, however, that they will join the "property elite" later in the life-course as they retire and receive income from their investments.