A re-conceptualisation of the Batwa's right to recognition as a minority and indigenous people in Rwanda: A human rights-based approach.

There have been divergent views by various human rights scholars and actors on how to address the question of vulnerability among indigenous and minority groups in Rwanda. Even though factors influencing vulnerability among these groups have received increasing scholarly attention, findings from these studies fall short of reflecting on the role of identity and discrimination. Whereas the government in Rwanda after the 1994 genocide sought to enhance unity and reconciliation by outlawing all ethnic identities, and instead conflating all vulnerable groups into a nomenclature namely, a Historically Marginalised People (HMP), a divergent group of scholars, human rights activists, the United Nations and African Union's instruments of human rights describe this approach as antithetical to the promotion and protection of the rights of indigenous and minority groups. Using the human rights-based approach, this paper critically interrogates the issue of identity and how it has affected the enjoyment of the rights among the minority and indigenous Batwa people in Rwanda. The study employed a qualitative research design with data collected through Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) as well as in-depth interviews (IDIs). Respondents included members of the Batwa community, officials of selected public institutions, leaders in Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), and cooperative societies working towards the promotion of rights of the HMP. Data analysis involved the process of transcription and coding of data and the eventual reflexive thematic analysis. The findings show that the rights of the Batwa community to recognition and self-identity have varied meanings and implications to different members of the community as well as officials from public institutions and other relevant actors. To the existing research, the study affirms that the inconsistencies surrounding the Batwa's identity have accentuated their vulnerability. In terms of policy, the study suggests that in the short run, the Batwa community may require enhanced special temporary social protection measures in order to ameliorate their conundrum arising from identity ambiguity without compromising Rwanda's national unity. Further studies, should consider the role of land, forest and culture in further marginalising the Batwa, as well as quantitative methodology for inferential analysis.

Disentangling national and religious identification as predictors of support for religious minority rights among Christian majority groups.

It is often assumed that, in Western societies, Christian values are embedded in national identities, yet, the association between religious identities and prejudice has seldom been studied in parallel to national identity. According to both the social identity theory approach and integrated threat theory, group identification is important for perceiving threats and expressing corresponding attitudes. Nevertheless, their independent roles on intergroup outcomes have often been ignored, although they are two of the most salient and important identities when considering support for religious minority rights. We address this gap in research by looking at the associations of religious identity with support for religious minority rights in general and Muslims in particular in parallel to national identity through diversity threat. This study was conducted among the members of majority groups in four Western countries: Australia, Finland, Germany, and Norway (N = 1,532), all of which are characterised as traditionally Christian. We found that a higher religious identification was associated with greater support for religious minority rights in general and for those of Muslims in particular, while national identification had no direct association with support for either groups' religious rights. However, both group identifications were also associated with heightened perceived diversity threat, which in turn, predicted reluctance to support religious minority rights. This demonstrates the dual role that religious identities may play in intergroup relations.

The Different Faces of Social Tolerance: Conceptualizing and Measuring Respect and Coexistence Tolerance.

In the theoretical literature on tolerance a distinction is proposed between coexistence and respect tolerance. In three studies with four national samples of Dutch majority members, we demonstrate that these two forms of tolerance can be distinguished empirically in relation to different immigrant target groups. The findings of all studies further show that the more principled respect tolerance was negatively associated with prejudice towards immigrants, and positively associated with the acceptance of concrete minority practices, above and beyond prejudice. However, the positive association between respect tolerance and acceptance of practices was weaker for people who were more strongly concerned about the continuity of their national cultural identity. Overall, the more pragmatic coexistence tolerance was found to have no independent association with prejudicial feelings and with the acceptance of minority practices. The findings indicate that stimulating respect tolerance might be particularly helpful for improving intergroup relations in culturally diverse societies. SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11205-021-02724-5.

Do We Stand Together? The Role of Perceived Personal and Group Threats in Predicting the Majority's (Un)willingness to Confront Injustice on Behalf of a Minority.

Purpose: By utilizing data from Estonia, Finland, and Norway, this study explores how the perceptions of personal and group realistic threats, namely perceived ethnic discrimination and economic insecurity among national majorities, predict their unwillingness to confront injustice on behalf of Russian-speaking minority groups. Background: Previous research on collective action to promote minorities' rights and social standing has focused either on minorities' own actions or factors promoting the willingness of majority group members to engage in collective action on behalf of minorities. In contrast, factors explaining the reluctance of majority group members to engage in collective action on behalf of minority groups have remained less explored. For example, studies have then ignored that the majority members may also feel threatened and may be economically insecure. Furthermore, the possible discrepancy between perceived personal vs. in-group's situation may influence majority group members' (un)willingness to confront injustice on behalf of a minority group. Method: We employed polynomial regression with response surface analysis to analyze data gathered among national majority members in three countries (N = 1,341). Results: Perceived personal and group realistic threats were associated with heightened unwillingness to confront injustice on behalf of the Russian-speaking minority. Furthermore, participants were more unwilling to confront injustice when they perceived more group than personal threat. Conclusion: We found that majority group members' (un)willingness to confront injustice on behalf of the minority is related to how secure they perceive their own and their group status. Our results contribute to previous research by pointing out the important drawbacks of majorities' support for minorities' wish for social change.

Biopiracy and the right to self-determination of indigenous peoples.

BACKGROUND: Since over thirty years, I work on the unclear legal situation of in which indigenous peoples find themselves today in the beginning mainly in the USA and later also in Canada, Australia and New Zealand. The status of indigenous people and native nations is characterized as a mixture of national and international law. Hypothesis/Purpose: To clarify the status of indigenous people it is necessary to analyze and interpret carefully hundreds of old treaties, international declarations and covenants, national statutes and jurisprudence, especially the old leading decisions of the US-Supreme Court. Such an analysis and interpretation should prove that indigenous people have the defensive right of self determination. RESULTS: The study outlines the old decisions of the US-Supreme Court with its inherent contradictions which highly influenced the status of indigenous people in all other countries until now. It clarifies the important new developments in international law especially the non binding Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and its effects on the interpretation of international and national law in regard to biopiracy. For this purpose it is necessary to use the methods of judgmental comparative law, historical and teleological interpretation. CONCLUSION: By expressly stating that indigenous peoples have a right to self-determination, the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples of 2007 complements the protection stipulated in the Charter and the Covenants of 1966. Although the declaration itself is not legally binding as it is a resolution of the UN General Assembly, it can serve as a blueprint to show the rights that indigenous peoples can derive from international law as well as rights which should ideally be granted to them by the states even though they are not yet binding customary or treaty law. Self-determination means exactly that, it is up to the bearers of the right to decide how they want to utilize this right and then work together with the state in which they live in defining a joint framework.

The Cultural Functions and Social Potential of Queer Monuments: A Preliminary Inventory and Analysis.

Public monuments function as cultural agents, reifying dominant public narratives or fostering change. Either way, their representation of people and events intervene in public discourse and contribute to cultural, economic, political, and social environments. Queer monuments, defined here as heritage sites that honor gender and sexual minorities, represent communities that have often been excised in dominant public narratives. This article provides a preliminary global inventory of queer monuments and describes three of their major functions: (1) to provide visibility and reduce stigma; (2) to educate the public on the abuse and attempted extermination of gender and sexual minorities; and (3) to stimulate public debate and discourse about gender and sexual minority rights. This still rare type of monument is growing more common and prompting more active and equitable representations in public space. Queer monuments have the potential of lessening stigma and improving the lives of sexual and gender minorities.

Surveillance and prayer - comparing Muslim prison chaplaincy in Germany's federal states.

Moving beyond approaches that emphasise the influence of national ideologies and transnational frameworks on the governance of religious diversity in Western Europe, recent scholarship has underlined the importance of analysing the impact of concrete institutional settings such as hospitals, schools and prisons on the public incorporation of religious minorities. Building on this approach, the present article analyses the emergence of Muslim prison chaplaincies in three German federal states by focussing on how framing strategies of state- and religious actors accommodate the national state-church framework and prison-related norms. The article thus shows how national ideologies of diversity regulation and prison norms are mutually shaped in the process of the local governance of Islam. The comparative perspective of the article highlights subnational variations regarding actor constellations and strategies and thereby emphasises a multidimensional process of negotiating the national regime of diversity governance.

Exploring Homophobia in Tbilisi, Georgia.

The purpose of this study is to determine statistical predictors of homophobic attitudes among the residents of Tbilisi, Georgia. We analyze 2013 survey data from a representative sample of the Tbilisi adult population. Residents were asked about their attitudes, beliefs, and political and social values in the context of the May 17, 2013 attack on LGBT activists on the International Day Against Homophobia and Transphobia (IDAHOT). Findings show that homophobia is significantly predicted by male gender, lower levels of education, acceptance of social inequality, nonliberal attitudes, and perceiving homosexuals as a "threat to national security." However, psychological perceptions and personal experiences also indirectly influence homophobic attitudes: the findings suggest that males report homophobic attitudes more often than females do and tend to be even more homophobic when they believe that homosexuality is inborn rather than acquired. The study also found that people without liberal attitudes tend to be more homophobic when they have personal contacts with homosexuals. This article highlights the need for a more comprehensive approach to education and the promotion of liberal values as well as legal equality for LGBTQ individuals to decrease the level of homophobia in Georgian society and, specifically, in Tbilisi.