Infanticide and the influence of psychoanalysis on Dutch forensic psychiatry in the mid-twentieth century.

This article demonstrates how psychoanalytic thought, especially ideas by Adler, Reik, Deutsch, and Alexander and Staub, informed forensic psychiatry in the Netherlands from the late 1920s. An analysis of psychiatric explanations of the crime of infanticide shows how in these cases the focus of (forensic) medicine and psychiatry shifted from somatic medicine to a psychoanalytic emphasis on unconscious motives. A psychoanalytic vocabulary can also be found in the reports written by forensic psychiatrists and psychologists in court cases in the 1950s. The new psychoanalytic emphasis on unconscious motives implied a stronger focus on the personality of the suspect. This article argues that psychoanalysis accelerated this development in the mid-twentieth century, contributing to the role of the psy-sciences in normalization processes.

[Regulatory evolution of the crime of infanticide]. / Evoluzione normativa del delitto di infanticidio.

The objective of the present study consists of the juridic-anthropological analysis of the infanticide, a phenomenon that nowadays is highly existent within the context of crime-settings. Particular consideration has been given to the legal developments of the infanticide act, which occurred simultaneously with the mutation of the socio-cultural contexts. Because the legislative process of the infanticide act has not evolved since 1981, it was possible to underline the criticisms and the inadequacy of such norm. Indeed, the legal norm has not always been able to provide an exhaustive answer concerning cases of infanticide. The process of humanisation of the law led to the introduction of a legal system, which describes the infanticide act as a condition of material and moral abandonment. This has become uncertain and ambiguous to interpret, risking to relegate the legislative matters of infanticide only to exceptional cases. The current study aims to highlight the criticisms and hypothesised different reform perspectives.

Sex selection in late Iberian infant burials: Integrating evidence from morphological and genetic data.

OBJECTIVE: The aim of this study was to analyze the infant burials found inside Iberian homes in relation to a possible case of sex selection. METHODS: The study included the remains of 11 infant individuals buried under the 10 houses excavated in the late Iberian village of Camp de les Lloses (Tona, Barcelona, Spain). Sex was determined using genetic analysis. RESULTS: Our results showed that almost all the burials were females. However, the age interval of death was wide enough to weaken the premise of infanticide, and the burials probably represent cases of natural death. DISCUSSION: Infanticide in its different forms has long been argued as an explanation for the infant remains found throughout various burial sites. Many authors thought that infanticide, mainly femicide, was the main method of population control in ancient times. However, there is no anthropological evidence (age distribution and sex analyzed genetically) to support the intentional killing of females in this or in other cases. We hypothesized that there was a positive selection for females to be buried inside the houses, probably related to their benefactor roles.

Blurring reality with fiction: Exploring the stories of women, madness, and infanticide.

PROBLEM: Often, there is a sense of shock and disbelief when a mother murders her child. BACKGROUND: Yet, literary texts (plays, poems and novels) contain depictions of women experiencing mental illness or feelings of desperation after childbirth who murder their children. AIM: To further understand why a woman may harm her child we examine seven literary texts ranging in time and place from fifth century BCE Greece to twenty-first century Australia. METHODS: A textual analysis approach examined how the author positioned the woman in the text, how other characters in the text reacted to the woman before, during, and after the mental illness or infanticide, and how the literary or historical critical literature sees the woman. FINDINGS: Three important points about the woman's experience were revealed: she is represented as morally ambiguous and becomes marginalised and isolated; she is depicted as murdering or abandoning her child because she is experiencing mental illness and/or she is living in desperate circumstances; and she believes there is no other option. CONCLUSION: Literary texts can shed light on socio-psychological struggles women experience and can be used to stimulate discussion by healthcare professionals about the development of preventative or early intervention strategies to identify women at risk.

The phylogenetic roots of human lethal violence.

The psychological, sociological and evolutionary roots of conspecific violence in humans are still debated, despite attracting the attention of intellectuals for over two millennia. Here we propose a conceptual approach towards understanding these roots based on the assumption that aggression in mammals, including humans, has a significant phylogenetic component. By compiling sources of mortality from a comprehensive sample of mammals, we assessed the percentage of deaths due to conspecifics and, using phylogenetic comparative tools, predicted this value for humans. The proportion of human deaths phylogenetically predicted to be caused by interpersonal violence stood at 2%. This value was similar to the one phylogenetically inferred for the evolutionary ancestor of primates and apes, indicating that a certain level of lethal violence arises owing to our position within the phylogeny of mammals. It was also similar to the percentage seen in prehistoric bands and tribes, indicating that we were as lethally violent then as common mammalian evolutionary history would predict. However, the level of lethal violence has changed through human history and can be associated with changes in the socio-political organization of human populations. Our study provides a detailed phylogenetic and historical context against which to compare levels of lethal violence observed throughout our history.

A lost family-planning regime in eighteenth-century Ceylon.

Based on Dutch colonial registers (thombos), this paper reconstructs fertility for two districts in Ceylon, 1756-68. It overcomes challenges in data quality by establishing the outer bounds of plausible estimates in a series of scenarios. Among these, total fertility rates (TFRs) averaged 5.5 in one district, but only 2.7 in the other. These figures exclude the victims of infanticide, a custom noted in European travelogues between about 1660 and 1820. Sex ratios among children differed depending on the number of older siblings, and overall, 27 per cent of girls are missing in one district and 57 per cent in the other. There was little significant variation either in the TFR or the sex ratio by socio-economic status, suggesting that poverty was not a key factor in motivating infanticides. Instead, we argue that at least parts of Ceylon had a forward-looking culture of family planning in the eighteenth century, which was lost in subsequent decades.

From Crime to Disease: Laws on Infanticide in the Modern Era.

This is the third of three papers investigating the legislative history concerning infanticide. After Antiquity and the Middle Ages, this paper focuses on legislative reforms during the last 400 years. Despite dreadful punishment, the practice remained frequent until safe abortion became available. In the 17th century, the rate of executions of women for this crime was 1 per 100,000 inhabitants. The actual incidence greatly exceeded this figure. The death penalty failed to deter, and punishing fornication promoted rather than prevented infanticide. Well into the 18th century, severely malformed infants were killed. The lung flotation test, albeit unreliable, was used to save the mother from the death penalty. When the motives for infanticide - poverty, shame, despair, and preserving honour - became understood in the late 18th century, the image of the 'child murderess' changed, and infanticide shifted from constituting a capital crime to a privileged delict. Illegitimate pregnancy was no longer punished, and lying-in hospitals for pregnant unmarried women and foundling hospitals for their children were established. Specific infanticide laws were issued in Prussia in 1756, Britain in 1803, and France in 1811. Once psychosis and denial of pregnancy became understood, severe penalties were no longer issued. The justifications for lenient legislation included social circumstances, difficult proof, and curtailed protection of the newborn due to its illegitimacy, helplessness, and diminished awareness. Thoughts on the limited right to live of newborn infants are still hampering ethical decisions when the beginning and end of life are near each other.

From Sin to Crime: Laws on Infanticide in the Middle Ages.

This is the second of three papers investigating the legislative history concerning infanticide. It compares the efforts of various states to protect the newborn infant between 534 and 1532 CE. When the Roman Empire collapsed in the 5th century, the jurisdiction of infanticide was relegated to the church, which regarded carnal delicts a sin rather than a crime. The punishment - public penance of the mother for 7-15 years - was milder than that which the murder of an adult would incur. The Council of Florence decreed in 1439 that the souls of children who died without having been baptized descend to hell. This turned infanticide from a penitential sin to the most heinous of all crimes. The states passed laws that abominated infanticide even more than the murder of older humans and punished women with ever more cruel forms of execution. Towards the men, however, who usually abandoned the women they had impregnated, the laws were lenient. Churches and society continued to vilify illegitimate birth, thus enhancing rather than preventing infanticide. The Habsburg-German legislation of 1532 ordained to torture any woman who had concealed pregnancy and birth and claimed the infant was stillborn. Legislation developed similarly in other countries, albeit at a different speed. French (1556) and British (1623) legislation reversed the burden of proof and demanded the death penalty for concealing pregnancy and birth when a dead infant was found.

From Right to Sin: Laws on Infanticide in Antiquity.

This is the first of three papers investigating changes in infanticide legislation as indicators of the attitude of states towards the neonate. In ancient East Asian societies in which the bride's family had to pay an excessive dowry, selective female infanticide was the rule, despite formal interdiction by the law. In Greece and Rome children's lives had little value, and the father's rights included killing his own children. The proportion of men greatly exceeding that of women found in many cultures and epochs suggests that girls suffered infanticide more often than boys. A kind of social birth, the ritual right to survive, rested on the procedure of name giving in the Roman culture and on the start of oral feeding in the Germanic tradition. Legislative efforts to protect the newborn began with Trajan's 'alimentaria' laws in 103 CE and Constantine's laws following his conversion to Christianity in 313 CE. Malformed newborns were not regarded as human infants and were usually killed immediately after birth. Infanticide was formally outlawed in 374 CE by Emperor Valentinian.

Conjuring the ghosts of missing children: a Monte Carlo simulation of reproductive restraint in Tokugawa Japan.

This article quantifies the frequency of infanticide and abortion in one region of Japan by comparing observed fertility in a sample of 4.9 million person-years (1660-1872) with a Monte Carlo simulation of how many conceptions and births that population should have experienced. The simulation uses empirical values for the determinants of fertility from Eastern Japan itself as well as the best available studies of comparable populations. This procedure reveals that in several decades of the eighteenth century, at least 40% of pregnancies must have ended in either an induced abortion or an infanticide. In addition, the simulation results imply a rapid decline in the incidence of infanticide and abortion during the nineteenth century, when in a reverse fertility transition, this premodern family-planning regime gave way to a new age of large families.

[Surviving handwritten signatures of Ignác Semmelweis]. / SEMMELWEIS IGNÁC AUTOGRÁF HAGYATÉKA.

We know only rather few samples of Semmelweis's handwriting and therefore it is important to carefully preserve those we have. The first collection of his manuscripts was published by Antall et al in 1968. During the following 47 years only rather few further samples of his handwriting have been published. Our present collection completes the former list with two previously unknown letters and with an earlier unpublished document signed by Semmelweis. The first document is a certificate written by Semmelweis in 1854 regarding the age of a woman who delivered her child at Szent Rókus Hospital in Pest. The second document includes a request from the Court of Justice towards the Medical Faculty's of the University of Pest regarding the body's opinion in a case of infanticide. The third document is a registration book of a student at the University of Medicine signed by Semmelweis in 1859. Present work attempts to list all of Semmelweis's handwritings known at this moment. The list includes 29 documents written by Semmelweis and further 16 documents signed by him.

Dead infants and unmarried women--from forensic pathology reports 1910-12.

The lack of access to contraceptives and poor control over their own pregnancies represented a major problem for women 100 years ago. An unwanted pregnancy could lead to social exclusion and loss of paid work, and clandestine births and infanticide thus posed a social problem. A review of the archives of the Norwegian Board of Forensic Medicine in the period 1910 to 1912 shows that one-fifth of all expert opinions were related to infants and pregnancy. Autopsies performed on children constituted over one-third of all forensic autopsies during this period. Although the reports provide a timely reminder of the value of hard-earned rights in Norway, the lack of control over their own sexuality and unwanted pregnancies are unfortunately still the reality for a large proportion of the world's women.

«The child has lived and breathed.¼ Forensic examinations of newborns 1910-1912.

One hundred years ago, forensic examination of deceased infants was not an uncommon task for doctors in Norway. The key questions were whether the infant had been born alive and whether the manner of death could be explained. The decomposition of the corpses, which had often lain hidden long before they were examined, posed a considerable problem. Notwithstanding the known shortcomings in the criteria used for assessment of breathing (the lung flotation test), and the fact that the bodies were often severely decomposed, the lung flotation test and the supposed signs of asphyxiation were used indiscriminately. This absence of association between theoretical knowledge and practice may have had its origin in societal conditions in which clandestine birth and the killing of newborns was not uncommon.

Mothers who kill: evolutionary underpinnings and infanticide law.

Women who kill their children present a profound challenge to accepted notions of motherhood and the protection offered by mothers to their children. Historically, societies have varied in the sanctions applied to perpetrators of such acts, across both time and place. Where penalties were once severe and punitive for mothers, in modern times some two dozen nations now have infanticide acts that reduce the penalties for mothers who kill their infants. Embedded within these acts are key criteria that relate (a) only to women who are (b) suffering the hormonal or mood effects of pregnancy/lactation at the time of the offence which is (c) usually restricted to within the first year after delivery. Criticisms of infanticide legislation have largely centered on inherent gender bias, misconceptions about the hormonal basis of postpartum psychiatric disorders, and the nexus and contribution of these disorders to the offending in relation to issues of culpability and sentencing. Important differences between female perpetrators relative to the age of the child victim have also highlighted problems in the implementation of infanticide legislation. For example, women who commit neonaticide (murder during the first day of life) differ substantially from mentally ill mothers who kill older children. However, despite these shortcomings, many nations have in recent years chosen to retain their infanticide acts. This article reviews the central controversies of infanticide legislation in relation to current research and fundamental fairness. Using evolutionary psychology as a theoretical framework to organize this discussion, it is argued that infanticide legislation is at best unnecessary and at worst misapplied, in that it exculpates criminal intent and fails to serve those for whom an infanticide defense might otherwise have been intended.

[Criminal superstition, pregnancy and infants at the turn of the 19th century]. / Krimineller Aberglaube um 1900 am Beispiel schwangerer Frauen und kleiner Kinder.

Around 1900, various crimes were still caused by criminal superstition. Criminologists like Hans Gross, Albert Hellwig and August Löwenstimm were engaged in the exploration of this topic aiming at the complete explanation of criminal behaviour linked to superstition. Crimes against pregnant women and infants are particularly good examples to illustrate the problems arising from crimes motivated by superstition. When assessing superstition under scientific and legal aspects, the criminologists applied different approaches, although positivistic rationalization was the most common tendency. In the forensic and legal evaluation of crimes related to superstition the problematical questions were whether the perpetrator was criminally responsible and how the offence was to be legally qualified. In many cases, criminals motivated by superstition were treated with more lenience.