The impact of COVID-19 on access to canine integrative medical care in Michigan, USA, and Ontario and British Columbia, Canada.

OBJECTIVE: To determine the effects of the COVID-19 associated restrictions on the ability of owners in Michigan (MI), USA versus Ontario (ON) and British Columbia (BC), Canada, to obtain care for their chronically painful dogs. STUDY DESIGN: Cross-sectional survey. POPULATION: A total of 90 owners met the inclusion criteria for the study. METHODS: An anonymous electronic survey was distributed to owners at four veterinary integrative medicine (IM) clinics during July and August 2020. Two clinics in MI and one each in ON and BC were recruited. Owners were asked about availability of IM care preceding and during COVID-19 restrictions and their opinions of the impact of COVID-19 on their dog's health. The survey asked where owners sought care for their dogs, types of chronic conditions treated, therapeutic modalities used, and if owners had a medical background. Comparisons were made within and between groups. Thematic analysis, Fisher's exact test, chi-square analyses, McNemar's and Wilcoxon signed-rank tests for paired comparisons were performed (p < 0.05). RESULTS: During COVID-19 restrictions, access to IM care was better for dogs in ON and BC than in MI (p < 0.001). The negative effect of the pandemic restrictions to IM care on quality of life was perceived greater by owners in MI than those in ON and BC (p < 0.001). The owners' medical backgrounds had no effect on attempts to access care during this time (p = 0.76). CONCLUSIONS AND CLINICAL RELEVANCE: The results suggest that a widespread disease in humans had an adverse impact on animal welfare. Providers of veterinary care should use this experience to establish protocols to ensure continuity of care for chronically painful animals in the event of a similar situation in the future.

Tailoring Public Health Policies.

In an effort to contain the spread of COVID-19, many states and countries have adopted public health restrictions on activities previously considered commonplace: crossing state borders, eating indoors, gathering together, and even leaving one's home. These policies often focus on specific activities or groups, rather than imposing the same limits across the board. In this Article, I consider the law and ethics of these policies, which I call tailored policies.In Part II, I identify two types of tailored policies: activity-based and group-based. Activity-based restrictions respond to differences in the risks and benefits of specific activities, such as walking outdoors and dining indoors. Group-based restrictions consider differences between groups with respect to risk and benefit. Examples are policies that treat children or senior citizens differently, policies that require travelers to quarantine when traveling to a new destination, and policies that treat individuals differently based on whether they have COVID-19 symptoms, have tested positive for COVID-19, have previous COVID-19 infection, or have been vaccinated against COVID-19. In Part III, I consider the public health law grounding of tailored policies in the principles of "least restrictive means" and "well-targeting." I also examine how courts have analyzed tailored policies that have been challenged on fundamental rights or equal protection grounds. I argue that fundamental rights analyses typically favor tailored policies and that equal protection does not preclude the use of tailored policies even when imperfectly crafted. In Part IV, I consider three critiques of tailored policies, centering on the claims that they produce inequity, cause harm, or unacceptably limit liberty. I argue that we must evaluate restrictions comparatively: the question is not whether tailored policies are perfectly equitable, wholly prevent harm, or completely protect liberty, but whether they are better than untailored ones at realizing these goals in a pandemic. I also argue that evaluation must consider indirect harms and benefits as well as direct and apparent ones.

Infected by Bias: Behavioral Science and the Legal Response to COVID-19.

This Article presents the first comprehensive analysis of the contribution of behavioral science to the legal response to the COVID-19 pandemic. At the descriptive level, the Article shows how different psychological phenomena such as loss aversion and cultural cognition influenced the way policymakers and the public perceived the pandemic, and how such phenomena affected the design of laws and regulations responding to COVID-19. At the normative level, the Article compares nudges (i.e., choice-preserving, behaviorally informed tools that encourage people to behave as desired) and mandates (i.e., obligations backed by sanctions that dictate to people how they must behave). The Article argues that mandates rather than nudges should serve in most cases as the primary legal tool used to regulate behavior during a pandemic. Nonetheless, this Article highlights ways in which nudges can complement mandates.

Association of Highly Restrictive State Abortion Policies With Abortion Rates, 2000-2014.

Importance: Although abortion is common in the United States, patients face substantial barriers to obtaining an abortion. Recently enacted abortion restrictions pose such barriers. Objectives: To assess the association between a state legislative climate that is highly restrictive toward abortion provision and the abortion rate and to evaluate whether distance to a facility providing abortion care mediates the association between legislative climate and the abortion rate. Design, Setting, and Participants: This cohort study examined county-of-residence abortion rates from all states that publicly provided them and used data on abortion restrictions, facility locations, and county demographic characteristics for the years 2000 to 2014. The association between legislative climate and abortion rates was evaluated using propensity score-weighted, linear regression difference-in-difference analysis. All models included state and year fixed effects and standard errors adjusted for state-level clustering. Exposures: Highly restrictive legislative climate, defined as having at least 3 of 4 types of abortion restrictions; distance to a high-volume facility providing abortion care (ie, performing ≥395 abortions per year) in miles. Main Outcomes and Measures: County-level abortion rate, defined as abortions per 1000 women per year. Results: Abortion rate data were obtained from 1178 counties in 18 states for a median of 12.5 years (range, 5-14). The median abortion rate was 2.89 per 1000 women (interquartile range, 1.71-4.46 per 1000 women). A highly restrictive legislative climate, when compared with a less restrictive one, was associated with 0.48 fewer abortions per 1000 women (95% CI, -0.92 to -0.04 abortions per 1000 women; P = .03). Adjusted for distance to a facility providing abortion care, a highly restrictive legislative climate was associated with 0.44 fewer abortions per 1000 women (95% CI, -0.85 to -0.03; P = .04). Each mile to a facility was associated with 0.02 fewer abortions per 1000 women (95% CI, -0.03 to -0.01 abortions per 1000 women; P = .003). Legislative climate was not significantly associated with distance to a facility providing abortion care (change in distance associated with highly restrictive climate, -2.73 [95% CI, -6.02 to 0.57] miles; P = .10). Conclusions and Relevance: This study provides evidence that a state legislative climate that is highly restrictive toward abortion provision is associated with a lower abortion rate. The cumulative effect of restrictive policies may pose a barrier to abortion access.

Economic Evaluation of Five Tobacco Control Policies Across Seven European Countries.

INTRODUCTION: Economic evaluations of tobacco control policies targeting adolescents are scarce. Few take into account real-world, large-scale implementation costs; few compare cost-effectiveness of different policies across different countries. We assessed the cost-effectiveness of five tobacco control policies (nonschool bans, including bans on sales to minors, bans on smoking in public places, bans on advertising at points-of-sale, school smoke-free bans, and school education programs), implemented in 2016 in Finland, Ireland, the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, Italy, and Portugal. METHODS: Cost-effectiveness estimates were calculated per country and per policy, from the State perspective. Costs were collected by combining quantitative questionnaires with semi-structured interviews on how policies were implemented in each setting, in real practice. Short-term effectiveness was based on the literature, and long-term effectiveness was modeled using the DYNAMO-HIA tool. Discount rates of 3.5% were used for costs and effectiveness. Sensitivity analyses considered 1%-50% short-term effectiveness estimates, highest cost estimates, and undiscounted effectiveness. FINDINGS: Nonschool bans cost up to €253.23 per healthy life year, school smoking bans up to €91.87 per healthy life year, and school education programs up to €481.35 per healthy life year. Cost-effectiveness depended on the costs of implementation, short-term effectiveness, initial smoking rates, dimension of the target population, and weight of smoking in overall mortality and morbidity. CONCLUSIONS: All five policies were highly cost-effective in all countries according to the World Health Organization thresholds for public health interventions. Cost-effectiveness was preserved even when using the highest costs and most conservative effectiveness estimates. IMPLICATIONS: Economic evaluations using real-world data on tobacco control policies implemented at a large scale are scarce, especially considering nonschool bans targeting adolescents. We assessed the cost-effectiveness of five tobacco control policies implemented in 2016 in Finland, Ireland, the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, Italy, and Portugal. This study shows that all five policies were highly cost-effective considering the World Health Organization threshold, even when considering the highest costs and most conservative effectiveness estimates.

Arab Threat and Social Control: An Exploration of the Relationship Between Ethnic Attitudes and Punitiveness Among Israeli Jews.

Numerous studies in the United States, as well as a smaller number of studies in other Westernized countries, have linked racial and ethnic attitudes to support for more punitive forms of crime control. The current study explores this relationship in Israel by assessing whether the degree to which Israeli Jews typify crime as an Israeli Arab phenomenon and/or resent Israeli Arabs is related to support for punitive criminal justice policies. The findings suggest that ethnic typification and resentment are related to general punitive attitudes, whereas ethnic apathy and resentment are related to greater support for the death penalty. Also, the relationship between ethnic typification and punitiveness is stronger among those who are less resentful.

The downstream effects of state tobacco control policies on maternal smoking during pregnancy and birth outcomes.

BACKGROUND: Research has demonstrated that the implementation of tobacco control policies is associated with improved birth outcomes. Ascertainment of prenatal smoking on the US birth certificate has changed over the past decade to record smoking across each trimester. METHODS: Using 2005-2015 birth certificate data on 26,436,541 singletons from 47 states and DC linked to state-level cigarette taxes and smoke-free legislation, we conducted conditional mixed-process models to examine the impact of tobacco control policies on prenatal smoking and quitting, then on the associated changes in birth outcomes. We included interactions between race/ethnicity, education, and taxes and present average marginal effects. RESULTS: Among white and black mothers with less than a high school degree, 36.0% and 14.1%, respectively, smoked during the first trimester and their babies had the poorest birth outcomes. However, they were the most responsive to cigarette taxes. Every $1.00 increase in taxes was associated with a 3.45 percentage point decrease in prenatal smoking among white mothers and a 1.20 percentage point decrease among black mothers. These reductions translated to increases in birth weight by 4.19 g for babies born to white mothers and 0.89 g for babies born to black mothers. Among smokers, there was some evidence that taxes increased quitting and improved birth outcomes, although most associations were not statistically significant. We found limited effects of smoke-free legislation on smoking, quitting or birth outcomes. CONCLUSIONS: Cigarette taxes continue to have important downstream effects on reducing prenatal smoking and improving birth outcomes among the most vulnerable mothers and infants.

Problem-Solving Court Policies on Cannabis Use.

Problem-solving courts have developed across the United states to offer specific offenders, including those with substance use or mental disorders, alternatives to incarceration that often involve community-based treatment services and judicial supervision. At the same time, dozens of states have legalized the use of cannabis for medical or recreational purposes, even as cannabis use remains illegal under federal law. State legalization of cannabis use has introduced legal and medical complexities for problem-solving courts, particularly concerning the management of offenders who use cannabis. This article reviews implications of cannabis use for defendants' eligibility and participation in problem-solving courts, with a focus on adult drug courts and mental health courts. This article also examines a range of policies, such as abstinence-based, tolerance-based, and adaptive approaches, that problem-solving courts may consider implementing. Further research is needed to characterize existing problem-solving court policies toward cannabis use and to develop evidence-based practices that courts may follow.

Rape Messaging.

When feminists began advocating for rape reform in the 1970s, the rape message was clear: rape was not a crime to be taken seriously because women lie. After decades of criminal law reform, the legal requirement that a woman vigorously resist a man's sexual advances to prove that she was raped has largely disappeared from the statute books, and, in theory, rape shield laws make a woman's prior sexual history irrelevant. Yet, despite what the law dictates, rape law reforms have not had a "trickle-down" effect, where changes in law lead to changes in attitude. Women are still believed to be vindictive shrews so police continue to code rape allegations as "unfounded," and prosecutors continue to elect not to prosecute many rape cases. To many, "no" can sometimes still mean "yes." In short, criminal law reforms have only marginally succeeded at deterring rape and increasing conviction rates for rape. At the same time, criminal law reforms have entrenched gender norms and endorsed the message that acquaintance rapes are less worthy of harsh punishment. This Article argues against further ex post criminal law reforms and posits that efforts should shift to ex ante public health interventions. This Article draws from recent successful experiences with public health interventions in destigmatizing AIDS and denormalizing tobacco and advocates for a robust public health campaign to denormalize rape. It presents a detailed proposal for changing rape messaging, denormalizing rape, and ensuring better outcomes for victims.

Handgun waiting periods reduce gun deaths.

Handgun waiting periods are laws that impose a delay between the initiation of a purchase and final acquisition of a firearm. We show that waiting periods, which create a "cooling off" period among buyers, significantly reduce the incidence of gun violence. We estimate the impact of waiting periods on gun deaths, exploiting all changes to state-level policies in the Unites States since 1970. We find that waiting periods reduce gun homicides by roughly 17%. We provide further support for the causal impact of waiting periods on homicides by exploiting a natural experiment resulting from a federal law in 1994 that imposed a temporary waiting period on a subset of states.

Inventing the Pedophile in the Journal of Homosexuality.

This article serves as one of the supplementary pieces of this special issue on "Mapping Queer Bioethics," in which we take a solipsistic turn to "map" the Journal of Homosexuality itself. Here, the author examines one of the most controversial moments in the history of the journal, whereby a contributor was subject to governmental and popular rebuke for his scholarship on pederasty, pedophilia, and underage queer sexuality. In a chronological and intellectual appraisal of this pedophilia-themed text, the author asks us to recalibrate the disquietude we posit when same-sex affection, youthful sexuality, and sexual abuse are in close proximity.