Highly public anti-Black violence is associated with poor mental health days for Black Americans.

Highly public anti-Black violence in the United States may cause widely experienced distress for Black Americans. This study identifies 49 publicized incidents of racial violence and quantifies national interest based on Google searches; incidents include police killings of Black individuals, decisions not to indict or convict the officer involved, and hate crime murders. Weekly time series of population mental health are produced for 2012 through 2017 using two sources: 1) Google Trends as national search volume for psychological distress terms and 2) the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS) as average poor mental health days in the past 30 d among Black respondents (mean weekly sample size of 696). Autoregressive moving average (ARMA) models accounted for autocorrelation, monthly unemployment, season and year effects, 52-wk lags, news-related searches for suicide (for Google Trends), and depression prevalence and percent female (for BRFSS). National search interest varied more than 100-fold between racial violence incidents. Black BRFSS respondents reported 0.26 more poor mental health days during weeks with two or more racial incidents relative to none, and 0.13 more days with each log10 increase in national interest. Estimates were robust to sensitivity tests, including controlling for monthly number of Black homicide victims and weekly search interest in riots. As expected, racial incidents did not predict average poor mental health days among White BRFSS respondents. Results with national psychological distress from Google Trends were mixed but generally unsupportive of hypotheses. Reducing anti-Black violence may benefit Black Americans' mental health nationally.

Police Brutality and Mistrust in Medical Institutions.

BACKGROUND: People bring the social contexts of their lives into the medical encounter. As a social determinant of health, police brutality influences physical and mental health. However, negative experiences with institutions such as law enforcement might decrease trust in other institutions, including medical institutions. Mistrust might limit engagement with the healthcare system and affect population health. This study investigates the relationship between police brutality and medical mistrust and assesses whether it varies by race. BASIC PROCEDURES: Data were obtained from a 2018 cross-sectional survey of adults living in urban areas in the USA (N = 4389). Medical mistrust was regressed on police brutality (experiences and appraisal of negative encounters with the police), controlling for socio-demographics, health status, and healthcare access. Means of mistrust were predicted by racial group after including interactions between police brutality and race. MAIN FINDINGS: Respondents who had negative encounters with the police, even if they perceived these encounters to be necessary, had higher levels of medical mistrust compared to those with no negative police encounters. Police brutality increased mistrust for all racial groups. PRINCIPAL CONCLUSIONS: Conditions outside the medical system such as experiencing police brutality impact relationships with the medical system. Given that clinicians are in a unique position of having access to firsthand information about the struggles and injustices that shape their patients' health, advocating for systemic change on behalf of their patients might build trust.

The effects of community service work on reducing ethnic conflict, ethnic hate crimes, and ethnocentric ideology.

Recent empirical research has identified the psychological and physical benefits of community service work programs that provide opportunities for positive contact and intergroup cooperation. The goal of this study is to summarize the existing literature that examines the role of community service work activities and programs as an effective intervention method to reduce ethnic conflict, ethnic hate crimes, and ethnocentric ideology. Additionally, community service activities that exist within specific types of outdoor natural (i.e., "green space") environments present additional benefits through increased interdependent cooperative behaviors and reduced bias. Suggestions are made regarding how community service intervention may help in the process of identifying and ultimately reducing the growing problems of ethnic conflict, violence, and ethnocentric ideology.

Communal peace in Bangladesh after Rohingya crisis: An assessment of different approaches to community development.

The recent persecution of Rohingyas, a Muslim ethnic minority group of Western Rakhine state, by state military has forced more than half a million people to take refuge in Bangladesh. It has sparked tension between Muslims and Buddhists in Bangladesh as different research and mass media reports illustrated the role of Buddhist nationalist groups in the massacre of Rohingyas. Thus, Bangladesh is vulnerable to communal violence not only based on religion but also based on ethnic, class, race, and national identity. This paper reviews existing community development theories to assess potential approaches' capability of ensuring communal peace in Bangladesh. The assessment includes the analysis of major community development theories and approaches and their applicability to a given context. The analysis argues that due to the scarcity of assets and resources community development approaches in a humanitarian crisis need some external intervention and bureaucratic supervision. Otherwise, it would be difficult to deploy any community development approach to ensure communal peace leading to sustainable development.

Serious violent behavior and antisocial outcomes as consequences of exposure to ethnic-political conflict and violence among Israeli and Palestinian youth.

We examine whether cumulative-past and concurrent exposure to ethnic-political violence among Israeli and Palestinian youth predict serious violent behavior and antisocial outcomes toward the in-group and the out-group. We collected four waves of data from 162 Israeli Jewish and 400 Palestinian youths (three age cohorts: 8, 11, and 14 years old) and their parents. The first three waves were consecutive annual assessments, and the fourth was conducted 4 years after the third wave, when the three age cohorts were 14, 17, and 20 years old, respectively. Based on social-cognitive-ecological models of the development of aggression (Dubow et al., 2009, Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review, 12, 113-126; Huesmann, 1998) and models of the development of beliefs about the "other," (Bar-Tal, 2004, European Journal of Social Psychology, 34, 677-701; Tajfel & Turner, 1986), we predicted that serious violent outcomes directed toward both the in-group and the out-group would be related to both concurrent and to persistent-past exposure to ethnic political violence. Bivariate regression models (prior to including covariates) indicated that both early cumulative exposure to ethnic-political violence during childhood and adolescence and concurrent exposure during late adolescence/early adulthood predicted all six serious violent and antisocial outcomes. When we added to the models the covariates of ethnic subgroup, age, sex, parents' education, and youths' prior physical aggression, concurrent exposure to ethnic-political violence was still significantly associated with a greater likelihood of concurrently perpetrating all six serious violent and nonviolent forms of antisocial behavior, and earlier cumulative exposure remained significantly related to three of these: severe physical aggression, participating in violent demonstrations, and our overall index of violent/antisocial behavior.

Escutando os subterrâneos da cultura: racismo e suspeição em uma comunidade escolar / Escuchar lo subterráneo de la cultura: racismo y sospechaen una comunidad escolar / Listening to hidden cultural aspects: racism and suspicions within a school community

RESUMO. Este artigo pretende abordar alguns desdobramentos de um dispositivo de intervenção clínico-político em uma escola municipal de São Paulo. Utilizando um Grupo de Conversas com adolescentes foi possível observar e escutar uma cena que se repetia à exaustão e a partir dela supor um não dito social sobre os estudantes, suas mães e suas configurações familiares. Seguindo as indicações de Freud, Lacan, Benjamin e Gagnebin, consideramos o não dito que paira sobre elas como um modo de o passado perdurar de maneira não reconciliada no presente, acarretando uma contiguidade social e simbólica da mucama até as mulheres negras de hoje. O imaginário social sobre estas mulheres aponta para uma concepção de servidão e de corpo à disposição que, apesar de tantas mudanças históricas e conquistas femininas, ainda permanece e se transmite nos subterrâneos da nossa cultura. Recolocar tanto as falas e os atos dos estudantes, como os de suas mães, como prenhez de sentido e inscritos numa rede discursiva política e libidinal, nos permite reencontrar a potência e a capacidade de resistir desses sujeitos. Torna-se fundamental discernir o que é o sujeito colocado no lugar de resto no discurso social e o que é uma subjetivação da falta, pois enquanto esta última é o que promove o desejo, a primeira, é o que violenta e silencia o sujeito.

RESUMEN. Este artículo se propone abordar algunos desdoblamientos de un dispositivo de intervención psicoanalítica clínica-política en una escuela municipal de São Paulo. En un Grupo de Conversaciones con adolescentes, pudimos escuchar una escena que se repetía y, a partir de la misma, suponer un "no dicho" social sobre los estudiantes, sus madresy sus configuraciones familiares. Siguiendo la huella de Freud, Lacan, Benjamin y Gagnebin con- sideramos lo que no se dijo como un modo en que el pasado perdura de manera no recon- ciliada en el presente, acarreando una contigüidad social y simbólica de la mucama hasta las mujeres negras de hoy. El imaginario social sobre esas mujeres revela una concepción de servidumbre y de cuerpo a disposición que, a pesar de tantos cambios históricos, aún permanece y se transmite en los subterráneos de nuestra cultura.Volver a poner el discurso y las acciones de los estudiantes y de sus madres como llenos de sentido y matriculados en una red política y discursiva de la libido, nos permite redescubrir el poder y la capacidad de soportar de estos sujetos. Es esencial discernir lo que es el objeto colocado en la posición de resto en el discurso social y lo que es una subjetivación de la falta, pues una vez que esta última es lo que promueve el deseo, el primero es lo que violenta y silencia el tema.

ABSTRACT. This article addresses some effects of a political-clinical psychoanalytic inter- vention implemented at a public school in Sao Paulo. The focusconversations group held with adolescents enabled us to watch and to listen to a repeatedly returned scene, which al- lowed us to assume a social "unsaid" about students, their mothersand their family settings. Embracing the indications of Freud, Lacan, Benjamin and Gagnebin, we considered that the unsaidthat accompanies these mothers as an enduring pastunreconciled with the present, thereby causing a social and symbolic contiguity of the master's slave girl to today's black women. The social imaginary of these women points to a conception of servitude and sex- ually available body, which, despite the many historical changes and female achievements, still remains and istransmitted in the underground of our culture. Replacing both speeches and acts of the students and of their mothers, as laden with meaning and enrolled in a po- litical and libidinal discursive network, allows us to rediscover the power and resilience of these subjects. It is fundamental to discern between a subject placed in the place of rest in the social discourse, and a subjectivation of the lack, since while the latter is what promotes the desire, the former is what violates and silences the subject.

Collective action and the evolution of social norm internalization.

Human behavior is strongly affected by culturally transmitted norms and values. Certain norms are internalized (i.e., acting according to a norm becomes an end in itself rather than merely a tool in achieving certain goals or avoiding social sanctions). Humans' capacity to internalize norms likely evolved in our ancestors to simplify solving certain challenges-including social ones. Here we study theoretically the evolutionary origins of the capacity to internalize norms. In our models, individuals can choose to participate in collective actions as well as punish free riders. In making their decisions, individuals attempt to maximize a utility function in which normative values are initially irrelevant but play an increasingly important role if the ability to internalize norms emerges. Using agent-based simulations, we show that norm internalization evolves under a wide range of conditions so that cooperation becomes "instinctive." Norm internalization evolves much more easily and has much larger effects on behavior if groups promote peer punishment of free riders. Promoting only participation in collective actions is not effective. Typically, intermediate levels of norm internalization are most frequent but there are also cases with relatively small frequencies of "oversocialized" individuals willing to make extreme sacrifices for their groups no matter material costs, as well as "undersocialized" individuals completely immune to social norms. Evolving the ability to internalize norms was likely a crucial step on the path to large-scale human cooperation.

Empathising with the enemy: emotion regulation and support for humanitarian aid in violent conflicts.

Considering that negative intergroup emotions can hinder conflict resolution, we proposed integrative emotion regulation (IER) as possibly predicting conciliatory policies towards outgroups in violent conflict. Two studies examined Jewish Israelis' self-reported IER, empathy, liberal attitudes, and support for humanitarian aid to Palestinians in Gaza. Study 1 (N = 298) found that unlike reappraisal Jewish Israelis' ability to explore emotions (e.g. IER) promoted concern for others' emotions (empathy), which in turn predicted support for humanitarian aid (while controlling for education level, and religiosity). Study 2 (N = 291) replicated this mediation model, additionally confirming that liberal attitudes (upholding equal, fair treatment for minorities) moderated the relation between IER and support for humanitarian aid. Thus, IER linked more strongly with humanitarian support when the commitment for liberal egalitarian beliefs was high. Preliminary results hold important theoretical and practical implications regarding the potential to empathise with outgroup members in intractable conflicts.

"Containing the uncontainable": the return of the phantom and its reconfiguration in ethnonational conflict resolution.

A phenomenologically informed psychoanalytic praxis for framing and conducting ethnonational conflict resolution in fractured communities is presented. When conducted with care, it begins with the polarization of each side in the conflict and continues into a second phase where the antagonism changes into the negotiation of paradox, irony and multiplicity of positions. Third, the crossing of mental borders with trepidation follows. Fourth, an ethic of responsibility, where common ground is sought brings closure to the process. A plea for humility, however, is required of practitioner scholars of conflict resolution because there is invariably a phantom that threatens to be resurrected to derail what at one time looked like success long after the work is formally completed. The return of the phantom requires practitioners to seriously consider implications for follow-up.

Reducing aggressive intergroup action tendencies: effects of intergroup contact via perceived intergroup threat.

Two studies tested the prediction that more positive intergroup contact would be associated with reduced aggressive intergroup action tendencies, an effect predicted to occur indirectly via reduced intergroup threat perceptions, and over and above well-established effects of contact on intergroup attitudes. Study 1, using data based on a cross-section of the general population of eight European countries (France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, and the UK; N = 7,042), examined this hypothesis in the context of aggressive action tendencies towards immigrants. Study 2, using longitudinal data obtained from a general population sample in Northern Ireland, considered effects on aggressive action tendencies between ethno-religious groups in conflict. Both studies confirmed our predictions, showing that while perceived threat was associated with greater intergroup aggressive tendencies, positive intergroup contact was indirectly associated with reduced aggressive action tendencies, via reduced intergroup threat. Findings are discussed in terms of the theoretical contributions of this research for understanding the relationship between intergroup contact and intergroup aggression.

Brief report: early adolescents' value development at war time.

Values are considered relatively stable individual characteristics, and there is little research to date on the conditions that underlie value-priorities change. This small-scale short-term longitudinal study tested whether a major life event of war changes the priority that early adolescents assign to values. Thirty-nine Israeli adolescents completed the Schwartz Values Survey on four occasions-at the beginning, middle, and end of the 2006 Israeli-Lebanese war during which their hometown was bombed. As hypothesized, anxiety-based values of tradition, power, and security increased in importance, while conformity values decreased in importance. Anxiety-free values of benevolence, universalism, self-direction, stimulation, and hedonism decreased in importance. Achievement values decreased and then increased in importance. Despite methodological limitations, the findings demonstrate that value development, at least during early adolescence, can take place rather quickly under circumstances of major traumatic events such as war.