The Past Tense Debate Revisited: Electrophysiological Evidence for Subregularities of Irregular Verb Inflection.

Neuropsychological research investigating mental grammar and lexicon has largely been based on the processing of regular and irregular inflection. Past tense inflection of regular verbs is assumed to be generated by a syntactic rule (e.g., show-ed), whereas irregular verbs consist of rather unsystematic alternations (e.g., caught) represented as lexical entries. Recent morphological accounts, however, hold that irregular inflection is not entirely rule-free but relies on morphological principles. These subregularities are computed by the syntactic system. We tested this latter hypothesis by examining alternations of irregular German verbs as well as pseudowords using ERPs. Participants read series of irregular verb inflection including present tense, past participle, and past tense forms embedded in minimal syntactic contexts. The critical past tense form was correct (e.g., er sang [he sang]) or incorrect by being either partially consistent (e.g., *er sung [*he sung]) or inconsistent (e.g., *er sing [*he sing]) with the proposed morphological principles. Correspondingly, in a second experimental block, pseudowords (e.g., tang/*tung/*ting) were presented. ERPs for real words revealed a biphasic ERP pattern consisting of a negativity and P600 for both incorrect forms in comparison to the correct equivalents. Most interestingly, the P600 amplitude for the incorrect forms was gradually modulated by the type of anomaly with medium amplitude for consistent past tense forms and largest amplitude for inconsistent past tense forms. ERPs for pseudoword past tense forms showed a similar gradual modulation of N400. The findings support the assumption that irregular verbs are processed by rule-based mechanisms because of subregularities of their past tense inflection.

Isn't it ironic? An electrophysiological exploration of figurative language processing.

Although the neurocognitive processes underlying the comprehension of figurative language, especially metaphors and idioms, have been studied extensively, less is known about the processing of irony. In two experiments using event-related brain potentials (ERPs), we examined the types of cognitive processes involved in the comprehension of ironic and literal sentences and their relative time course. The experiments varied in modality (auditory, visual), task demands (comprehension task vs. passive reading), and probability of stimulus occurrence. ERPs consistently revealed a large late positivity (i.e., P600 component) in the absence of an N400 component for irony compared to equivalent literal sentences independent of modality. This P600 was shown to be unaffected by the factors task demands and probability of occurrence. Taken together, the findings suggest that the observed P600 is related to irony processing, and might be a reflection of pragmatic interpretation processes. During the comprehension of irony, no semantic integration difficulty arises (absence of N400), but late inferential processes appear to be necessary for understanding ironic meanings (presence of P600). This finding calls for a revision of current models of figurative language processing.

Morphological facilitation and semantic interference in compound production: An ERP study.

This study investigates the production of nominal compounds (Experiment 1) and simple nouns (Experiment 2) in a picture-word interference (PWI) paradigm to test models of morpho-lexical representation and processing. The continuous electroencephalogram (EEG) was registered and event-related brain potentials [ERPs] were analyzed in addition to picture-naming latencies. Experiment 1 used morphologically and semantically related distractor words to tap into different pre-articulatory planning stages during compound production. Relative to unrelated distractors, naming was speeded when distractors corresponded to morphemes of the compound (sun or flower for the target sunflower), but slowed when distractors were from the same semantic category as the compound (tulip ➔ sunflower). Distractors from the same category as the compound's first constituent (moon ➔ sunflower) had no influence. The diverging effects for semantic and morphological distractors replicate results from earlier studies. ERPs revealed different effects of morphological and semantic distractors with an interesting time course: morphological effects had an earlier onset. Comparable to the naming latencies, no ERP effects were obtained for distractors from the same semantic category as the compound's first constituent. Experiment 2 investigated the effectiveness of the latter distractors, presenting them with pictures of the compounds' first constituents (e.g., moon ➔ sun). Interference was confirmed both behaviorally and in the ERPs, showing that the absence of an effect in Experiment 1 was not due to the materials used. Considering current models of speech production, the data are best explained by a cascading flow of activation throughout semantic, lexical and morpho-phonological steps of speech planning.

Age-related effects in compound production: Evidence from a double-object picture naming task.

This study investigated effects of healthy ageing and of non-verbal attentional control on speech production. Young and older speakers participated in a picture-word interference (PWI) task with compound targets. To increase the processing load, the two pictures of the compounds' constituents were presented side-by-side for spoken naming (e.g., a picture of a sun + a picture of a flower to be named with sunflower). Written distractors either corresponded to the first or second constituent (sun or flower → sunflower), or were semantically related either to the first constituent of the target (moon → sunflower) or to the second constituent/whole word (tulip → sunflower). Morpho-phonological facilitation was obtained for both constituents, whereas semantic interference was restricted to first-constituent-related semantic distractors. Furthermore, a trend towards facilitation was obtained for distractors that were semantically related to the whole word. Older speakers were slower and produced more errors than young speakers. While morphological effects of first-constituent distractors were stronger for the elderly, the semantic effects were not affected by age. Non-verbal attentional control processes, measured in the Simon task, significantly contributed to morpho-phonological priming in the elderly, but they did not affect semantic interference or semantic facilitation. With a picture naming task that increases the semantic and lexical processing load, we corroborate earlier evidence that word-finding difficulties in the elderly result from deficient phonological encoding, whereas lexical-semantic and morpho-phonological representations remain stable with age.

Processing inflectional morphology: ERP evidence for decomposition of complex words according to the affix structure.

This study investigated the processing of inflectional morphology by registrating event-related brain potentials (ERPs) during sentence reading. In particular, we examined nouns combined with affixes that have distinct structural characteristics as proposed by morphological theory. Affixes were either complex consisting of functionally distinguishable subparts as occurring for German plural morphology, or simple consisting of one part only. To test possible differences in processing these affixes we compared grammatical nouns [e.g., Kartons (cartons)] to ungrammatical ones (e.g., *Kartonen) in two different syntactic contexts represented by a complex, or simple affix. The ERPs showed that ungrammatical nouns consisting of complex affixes elicited a left anterior negativity (LAN) reflecting enhanced morphosyntactic processing, which was absent for equivalent nouns consisting of simple affixes. This finding suggests that inflected words are decomposed dependent on the affix structure, whereby the affixes themselves seem to consist of morphological subparts in accordance with current morphological theories (Müller, 2007; Noyer, 1992). Moreover, ungrammatical nouns elicited early (reduced P200) and late (P600) ERP components relative to their grammatical equivalents, which implies an engagement of syntactic processes presumably based on intially enhanced pre-lexical processing of these irregularized nouns. The findings are discussed with respect to theoretical and neuropsychological accounts to inflectional morphology.

Age-related effects in compound production: Intact lexical representations but more effortful encoding.

The production of nominal compounds in the presence of morphological, semantic, and unrelated distractor words (picture-word interference paradigm) was investigated in young (M = 27 years) and older (M = 70.5 years) German speakers to test models of speech production and lexical representation. Constituent distractors of compound targets (lip or stick for the target LIPSTICK) speeded compound naming, while naming was slowed by distractors that were categorically related to the compound as a whole (powder → LIPSTICK). Furthermore, no effects were obtained for distractors from the same category as the first constituent of compound targets in picture-naming latencies (toe → LIPSTICK). These effects were present in both age groups and indicate that compounds are stored holistically at the lemma level, and as morphemes at the word-form level, unaffected by age. Main effects of age revealed overall slower picture naming and less accurate responses in the elderly. Furthermore, older speakers showed stronger morphological facilitation, while semantic distractor effects were unaffected by age. In a non-verbal attentional control task (Simon task), older speakers were slower overall and showed larger processing costs than young speakers in the conflict (incongruent) condition. Our data replicate a decline in non-verbal attentional control with age and also reveal slower and more error-prone picture-naming in the elderly. These language-specific changes, however, seem to be independent from attentional control and are likely to result from less fluent morpho-phonological encoding in the elderly.

Don't Get Me Wrong: ERP Evidence from Cueing Communicative Intentions.

How to make sure that one's utterances are understood as intended when not facing each other? In order to convey communicative intentions, in digital communication emoticons and pragmatic cues are frequently used. Such cueing becomes even more crucial for implied interpretations (e.g., irony) that cannot be understood literally, but require extra information. Sentences, such as 'That's fantastic,' may achieve either a literal or ironic meaning depending on the contextual constraints. In two experiments using event-related brain potentials (ERPs), we examined the effects of cueing communicative intentions (i.e., by means of quotation marks) on ironic and literal language comprehension. An impact of cueing on language processing was seen as early as 200 ms post-stimulus onset by the emergence of a P300 preceding a sustained positivity for cued irony relative to literal language, while for uncued irony a P200-P600 pattern was obtained. In presence of additional information for ironic intentions, pragmatic reanalysis allowing inferences on the message level may have occured immediately. Moreover, by examining the way of cueing (i.e., ambiguous vs. unambiguous cueing) this type of information for communicative intentions appeared to be only effective when the cues were unambiguous by matching pragmatic conventions. The findings suggest that cueing communicative intentions may immediately affect language comprehension, albeit depending on pragmatic conventions of the cues' usage.

Left inferior frontal gyrus mediates morphosyntax: ERP evidence from verb processing in left-hemisphere damaged patients.

Neurocognitive models of language comprehension have proposed different mechanisms with different neural substrates mediating human language processing. Whether the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG) is engaged in morpho-syntactic information processing is currently still controversially debated. The present study addresses this issue by examining the processing of irregular verb inflection in real words (e.g., swim > swum > swam) and pseudowords (e.g., frim > frum > fram) by using event-related brain potentials (ERPs) in neurological patients with lesions in the LIFG involving Broca's area as well as healthy controls. Different ERP patterns in response to the grammatical violations were observed in both groups. Controls showed a biphasic negativity-P600 pattern in response to incorrect verb inflections whereas patients with LIFG lesions displayed a N400. For incorrect pseudoword inflections, a late positivity was found in controls, while no ERP effects were obtained in patients. These findings of different ERP patterns in the two groups strongly indicate an involvement of LIFG in morphosyntactic processing, thereby suggesting brain regions' specialization for different language functions.

Distinguishing neurocognitive processes reflected by P600 effects: evidence from ERPs and neural oscillations.

Research on language comprehension using event-related potentials (ERPs) reported distinct ERP components reliably related to the processing of semantic (N400) and syntactic information (P600). Recent ERP studies have challenged this well-defined distinction by showing P600 effects for semantic and pragmatic anomalies. So far, it is still unresolved whether the P600 reflects specific or rather common processes. The present study addresses this question by investigating ERPs in response to a syntactic and pragmatic (irony) manipulation, as well as a combined syntactic and pragmatic manipulation. For the syntactic condition, a morphosyntactic violation was applied, whereas for the pragmatic condition, such as "That is rich", either an ironic or literal interpretation was achieved, depending on the prior context. The ERPs at the critical word showed a LAN-P600 pattern for syntactically incorrect sentences relative to correct ones. For ironic compared to literal sentences, ERPs showed a P200 effect followed by a P600 component. In comparison of the syntax-related P600 to the irony-related P600, distributional differences were found. Moreover, for the P600 time window (i.e., 500-900 ms), different changes in theta power between the syntax and pragmatics effects were found, suggesting that different patterns of neural activity contributed to each respective effect. Thus, both late positivities seem to be differently sensitive to these two types of linguistic information, and might reflect distinct neurocognitive processes, such as reanalysis of the sentence structure versus pragmatic reanalysis.

The communicative style of a speaker can affect language comprehension? ERP evidence from the comprehension of irony.

An important issue in irony comprehension concerns when and how listeners integrate extra-linguistic and linguistic information to compute the speaker's intended meaning. To assess whether knowledge about the speaker's communicative style impacts the brain response to irony, ERPs were recorded as participants read short passages that ended either with literal or ironic statements made by one of two speakers. The experiment was carried out in two sessions in which each speaker's use of irony was manipulated. In Session 1, 70% of ironic statements were made by the ironic speaker, while the non-ironic speaker expressed 30% of them. For irony by the non-ironic speaker, an increased P600 was observed relative to literal utterances. By contrast, both ironic and literal statements made by the ironic speaker elicited similar P600 amplitudes. In Session 2, conducted 1 day later, both speakers' use of irony was balanced (i.e. 50% ironic, 50% literal). ERPs for Session 2 showed an irony-related P600 for the ironic speaker but not for the non-ironic speaker. Moreover, P200 amplitude was larger for sentences congruent with each speaker's communicative style (i.e. for irony made by the ironic speaker, and for literal statements made by the non-ironic speaker). These findings indicate that pragmatic knowledge about speakers can affect language comprehension 200 ms after the onset of a critical word, as well as neurocognitive processes underlying the later stages of comprehension (500-900 ms post-onset). Thus perceived speakers' characteristics dynamically impact the construction of appropriate interpretations of ironic utterances.