Gender-specific association of body fat mass with muscle meat-vegetable intake ratio in Shaanxi, China.

BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES: The effects of muscle meat and vegetable intake on body fat mass remain unclear in the general population. This study aimed to investigate the association of body fat mass and fat dis-tribution with a muscle meat-vegetable intake (MMV) ratio. METHODS AND STUDY DESIGN: In total, 29,271 par-ticipants aged 18-80 years were recruited from the Shaanxi cohort of the Regional Ethnic Cohort Study in Northwest China. The associations of muscle meat, vegetable and MMV ratio, as the independent variable, with body mass index (BMI), waist circumference, total body fat percentage (TBF) and visceral fat (VF), as dependent variables were evaluated by gender-specific linear regression models. RESULTS: There was 47.9% of men whose MMV ratio was greater than or equal to 1 and this figure was about 35.7% for women. For men, higher muscle meat intake was associated with higher TBF (standardized coefficient [ß], 0.508; 95% CI, 0.187-0.829), higher vegetable intake was associated with lower VF (ß, -0.109; 95% CI, -0.206 - -0.011), and higher MMV ratio was associated with higher BMI (ß, 0.195; 95% CI, 0.039-0.350) and VF (ß, 0.523; 95% CI, 0.209-0.838). For women, both higher muscle meat consumption and MMV ratio were associated with all fat mass markers, but vegetable intake was not correlated with body fat mass markers. The positive association of MMV on body fat mass was more pronounced in higher MMV ratio group, with both men and women. The intake of pork, mutton and beef was associated positively with fat mass markers but no such as-sociation was observed for poultry or seafood. CONCLUSIONS: An increased intake of muscle meat or a higher MMV ratio was associated with increased body fat, especially among women, and such impact may mainly be attributed to increasing intake of pork, beef and mutton. The dietary MMV ratio could be thus a useful parameter for nutritional intervention.

A return of mental imagery: The pictorial theory of visual perspective-taking.

The pictorial theory of mental imagery was a central concern of cognitive science during the latter years of the last century. Proponents of the theory argued that images are reinterpreted by the same processes that act upon perceptual inputs. This idea has recently re-emerged within the context of visual perspective-taking. The perceptual simulation theory argues that an observer not only generates an image of what another individual sees but the image is used by the perceptual system in a bottom-up manner. Based on the assumption of Kosslyn and colleagues, we argue that a minimum requirement of a pictorial theory of visual perspective-taking is that observers must faithfully represent relative distance between different points of a scene as would be viewed from an alternative position. The available evidence does not however support this. We conclude that the latest attempt to give mental imagery causal status in a cognitive process is unwarranted.

Implementation and impact analysis of a transitional care pathway for patients presenting to the emergency department with cardiac-related complaints.

BACKGROUND: Cardiac-related complaints are leading drivers of Emergency Department (ED) utilization. Although a large proportion of cardiac patients can be discharged with appropriate outpatient follow-up, inadequate care coordination often leads to high revisit rates or unnecessary admissions. We evaluate the impact of implementing a structured transitional care pathway enrolling low-risk cardiac patients on ED discharges, 30-day revisits and admissions, and institutional revenues. METHODS: We prospectively enrolled eligible patients presenting to a single-center Emergency Department over a 12-month period. Standardized risk measures were used to identify patients suitable for early discharge with cardiology follow-up within 5 days. The primary endpoints were rates of discharge from the ED and 30-day ED revisit and admission rates, with a secondary endpoint including 30-day returns for myocardial infarction. A cost analysis of the program's impact on institutional revenues was performed. RESULTS: Among patients presenting with cardiac-related complaints, rates of discharge from the ED increased from 44.4 to 56.6% (p < 0.0001). Enrollment in the transitional care pathway was associated with a reduced risk of cardiac-related ED revisits (RR 0.22, p < 0.0001), all-cause ED revisits (RR 0.30, p < 0.0001), and admission at second ED visit (RR 0.56, p = 0.0047); among enrolled patients, the 30-day rate of return with a myocardial infarction was 0.35%. No significant reductions were seen in 30-day cardiac-related and all-cause revisits in the 12-months following transitional care pathway implementation; however, there was a significant reduction in admissions at second ED visit from 45.6 to 37.7% (p = 0.0338). An early gender disparity in care delivery was identified in the first 120 days following program implementation that was subsequently eliminated through targeted intervention. There was an estimated decline in institutional revenue of $300 per enrolled patient, driven predominantly by a reduction in admissions. CONCLUSIONS: A structured transitional care pathway identifying low-risk cardiac patients who may be safely discharged from the ED can be effective in shifting care delivery from hospital-based to lower cost ambulatory settings without adversely impacting 30-day ED revisit rates or patient outcomes.

Morgan's canon is not evidence.

Mahr & Csibra's (M&C's) account of the communicative function of episodic memory relies more heavily on the case against episodic memory in nonhumans than their description suggests. Although the communicative function of episodic memory may be accurate as it pertains to human behaviour, we question whether Morgan's canon is a suitable foundation on which to build theories of supposedly human-specific traits.

Are visual artists better visual perspective takers? An exploratory study with an unexpected outcome.

Visual perspective taking (VPT) has been argued to elicit image-like representations of other people's visual experiences. Separately, it has been demonstrated that there are inter-individual differences in the ability to successfully take other people's visual perspectives. In the present study, adults were asked to judge how long two lines appeared visually from the point of view of an agent. The lines were of identical length, but the agent was always closer to one of the lines than the other, meaning that the closer line should be judged as appearing visually longer. It was hypothesised that adults with experience in the visual arts would perform better at this task for one or both of two reasons: (1) they should be more familiar with the knowledge that the closer an object is the larger it appears visually (i.e., the retinal image is larger), and (2) they might be able to "draw" an image-like representation that more accurately reflects the effect of distance on perceived size. Consistent with previous experiments with this paradigm, adults generally failed to judge the closest line as appearing longer; indeed, as many judged this line would appear visually shorter. Crucially, increasing experience in the visual arts failed to improve the accuracy of VPT judgements; even a group of professional illustrators failed to recognise that the line closest to the agent would appear longer than the line furthest from the agent. These results are discussed in the context of the processes and representation types potentially involved in VPT.

Three key questions to move towards a theoretical framework of visuospatial perspective taking.

What would a theory of visuospatial perspective taking (VSPT) look like? Here, ten researchers in the field, many with different theoretical viewpoints and empirical approaches, present their consensus on the three big questions we need to answer in order to bring this theory (or these theories) closer.

A curse of knowledge or a curse of uncertainty? Bilingualism, embodiment, and egocentric bias.

The ability to adopt others' perspectives-our "Theory of Mind"-underpins social interaction. Nevertheless, adults are imperfect perspective takers, demonstrating egocentric biases. Here, a series of experiments assessed whether (1) embodying an agent's physical perspective (working out whether he held something in his left or right hand) or (2) being bilingual, would benefit perspective taking. Participants were shown a scenario in which an agent puts a ball in one of four boxes. When he returns later, the boxes have been rearranged. Participants, who additionally know that the ball is now in a different box, then judge how likely the agent is to look for the ball in each of the four boxes first. In Experiments 1-3 participants were not more likely to judge the agent would look where he last saw it as a function of either factor. In Experiments 4 and 5, one group of participants were told where the ball had been moved to, the other only that the ball had been moved to a different box. In Experiment 4, participants in the latter condition assigned higher probability to the boxes that were never mentioned. In Experiment 5 this was replicated and was driven by monolinguals and those who had received the embodiment condition. These results suggest that egocentric biases may be more likely to arise when participants are more deliberative, such as when making a judgement under uncertainty, and that extrinsic factors such as bilingualism and embodiment may influence perspective attributions under such conditions.

It's Not You, It's Me: A Review of Individual Differences in Visuospatial Perspective Taking.

Visuospatial perspective taking (VSPT) concerns the ability to understand something about the visual relationship between an agent or observation point on the one hand and a target or scene on the other. Despite its importance to a wide variety of other abilities, from communication to navigation, and decades of research, there is as yet no theory of VSPT. Indeed, the heterogeneity of results from different (and sometimes the same) VSPT tasks point to a complex picture suggestive of multiple VSPT strategies, individual differences in performance, and context-specific factors that together have a bearing on both the efficiency and accuracy of outcomes. In this article, we review the evidence in search of patterns in the data. We found a number of predictors of VSPT performance but also a number of gaps in understanding that suggest useful pathways for future research and, possibly, a theory (or theories) of VSPT. Overall, this review makes the case for understanding VSPT by better understanding the perspective taker rather than the target agents or their perception.

Evidence for a Weak but Reliable Processing Advantage for False Beliefs Over Similar Nonmental States in Adults.

The ability to understand the mental states of others has sometimes been attributed to a domain-specific mechanism which privileges the processing of these states over similar but nonmental representations. If correct, then others' beliefs should be processed more efficiently than similar information contained within nonmental states. We tested this by examining whether adults would be faster to process others' false beliefs than equivalent "false" photos. Additionally, we tested whether they would be faster to process others' true beliefs about something than their own (matched) personal knowledge about the same event. Across four experiments, we found a small but reliable effect in favor of the first prediction, but no evidence for the second. Results are consistent with accounts positing specialized processes for (false) mental states. The size of the effect does, however, suggest that alternative explanations such as practice effects cannot be ruled out.

Teleporting into walls? The irrelevance of the physical world in embodied perspective-taking.

Embodied theories of Level 2 visual perspective-taking usually assume that we imagine ourselves in other real-world locations to take perspectives. We tested this assertion by giving participants an embodied perspective-taking task in which they were instructed to make manual responses based on imagined perspectives. Importantly, on half of the trials, the location of the alternative perspective was not physically possible (i.e., blocked with a wall). Across two experiments, results showed that participants performed just as well for the physically impossible perspectives as for accessible ones. We interpret these data as evidence that embodied perspective-taking is agnostic to local physical features of our environment.

How the Rise of Problematic Pornography Consumption and the COVID-19 Pandemic Has Led to a Decrease in Physical Sexual Interactions and Relationships and an Increase in Addictive Behaviors and Cluster B Personality Traits: A Meta-Analysis.

On January 13, 2018, an alert was sent to Hawaii's people that a missile was heading toward them. People were in a state of alarm for 30 minutes before the government sent out a false alarm statement. Fifteen minutes after the message that told the people of Hawaii that they were not in danger went out, Pornhub's views spiked by 48%. On March 11, 2020, coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) was designated a pandemic. By March 25, 2020, Pornhub's views had spiked to over 24%. We took the research available on problematic pornography consumption, also referred to as internet sex addiction, pornography addiction, and cybersex addiction, and compared that to the rise of pornography use since the year 2000 and how the COVID-19 pandemic impacted pornography use and the effects it had on sexual and social relations. We also wanted to see if there is any association between pornography consumption and other addictive disorders and cluster B personality traits. There is currently no Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition (DSM-5) diagnosis for pornography addiction. We want to see if the data we gather can aid in identifying whether problematic pornography use has a place alongside other addictive disorders in the DSM-5. We hypothesize that inappropriate pornography consumption has increased since 2000, only to increase further during the pandemic. The null hypothesis, Ho, states there has been no change in the consumption of pornography since the 2000s. The alternative theory, Ha, says that the proportion of people who use pornography has increased over the past 23 years. As for other addictive disorders and cluster B personality traits, we hypothesize the research will show that greater than 50% of people exhibiting problematic pornography consumption will also have an additional addictive disorder and a cluster B personality trait. Our results support our hypothesis that during the COVID-19 pandemic, pornography consumption increased beyond the baseline. The results did not support our prediction of a significant association between other addictive disorders and cluster B personality traits with pornography consumption.

Visual perspective taking without visual perspective taking.

What happens when an observer takes an agent's visual perspective of a scene? We conducted a series of experiments designed to measure what proportion of adults take a stimulus-centered rather than agent-centered approach to a visual perspective taking task. Adults were presented with images of an agent looking at a number (69). From the perspective of the viewer, the number appeared upside down. We then asked participants what number the agent saw. An agent-centered approach, that is, one that takes into account the other's visual experience, should produce the correct answer "69". Even an egocentric error (i.e., the participant's own perspective) would provide the same correct response. We were interested in what proportion of participants would give the incorrect answer "96", which is best explained by a stimulus-centered rather than agent-centered strategy, namely "flipping" each digit one at a time from left to right. Crucially, such a strategy ignores the alternative visual perspective. We found that, on average, 12-21% of participants made this error. We discuss this finding in the context of the key questions around representation, content, and Theory of Mind in visual perspective taking. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Effects of Aerobic Exercise Versus High-Intensity Interval Training on V̇O2max and Blood Pressure.

Today, more than 20% of the world's population suffers from hypertension, a major risk factor for heart disease. Therefore, lifestyle modifications such as dietary change, smoking cessation, and exercise are often prescribed to hypertensive patients as a first-line treatment. This study aims to examine and compare the effects of different exercise regimens on the cardiovascular system, particularly that of high-intensity interval training (HIIT) and lower-to-moderate-intensity aerobic exercise (aka aerobic exercise).  After researching various databases and extracting 4,724 studies, 196 were viable within the exclusion criteria related to exercise's effects on blood pressure and maximal oxygen uptake (V̇O2max). Of these, 36 studies were selected as viable, and their data is herein outlined. In addition, the results provided by these studies were summarized, respectively, and the raw data were analyzed using a two-tailed unpaired t-test. Through this study, we aim to clarify whether HIIT or lower-to-moderate-intensity aerobic exercise differ in their effects on improving cardiovascular health. It was observed that HIIT was non-inferior to lower-to-moderate-intensity aerobic exercise in the reduction of ambulatory blood pressure of hypertensive or normotensive individuals. However, HIIT was more effective at increasing cardiorespiratory fitness by means of V̇O2max than aerobic exercise was. Considering the significant time-to-completion difference between both exercise modalities, it is remarkable that HIIT has the same benefits as lower-to-moderate-intensity aerobic exercise on blood pressure and higher efficiency in increasing V̇O2max.

'Seeing' proximal representations: Testing attitudes to the relationship between vision and images.

Corrections applied by the visual system, like size constancy, provide us with a coherent and stable perspective from ever-changing retinal images. In the present experiment we investigated how willing adults are to examine their own vision as if it were an uncorrected 2D image, much like a photograph. We showed adult participants two lines on a wall, both of which were the same length but one was closer to the participant and hence appeared visually longer. Despite the instruction to base their judgements on appearance specifically, approximately half of the participants judged the lines to appear the same. When they took a photo of the lines and were asked how long they appeared in the image their responses shifted; now the closer line appeared longer. However, when they were asked again about their own view they reverted to their original response. These results suggest that many adults are resistant to imagining their own vision as if it were a flat image. We also place these results within the context of recent views on visual perspective-taking.

Visual perspective-taking and image-like representations: We don't see it.

The ability to represent another agent's visual perspective has recently been attributed to a process called "perceptual simulation", whereby we generate an image-like or "quasi-perceptual" representation of another agent's vision. In an extensive series of experiments we tested this notion. Adult observers were presented with pictures of an agent looking at two horizontal lines, one of which was closer to the agent and hence appeared longer from his/her visual perspective. In each case approximately as many participants judged the closer line to appear shorter as longer (to the agent), i.e., failures to take the agent's perspective. This occurred when clear depth cues were added to emphasise the agent's location relative to the stimuli, when the agent was moved closer to the lines, when the lines were oriented vertically, when judgments could be made while viewing the image, and when participants imagined themselves in the agent's place. It also persisted when we asked participants to imagine what a photo taken from the same location as the agent would show, ruling out a misinterpretation of the instructions. Overall, our data suggest that adults attempt to solve visual perspective-taking problems by drawing upon naïve and often erroneous ideas about how vision works.

Back to the future? The role of temporal focus for mapping time onto space.

Do we conceptualise the future as being behind us or in front of us? Although this question has traditionally been investigated through the lens of spatiotemporal metaphors, new impetus was recently provided by the Temporal-Focus Hypothesis. This hypothesis holds that the mapping of temporal concepts onto the front-back axis is determined by an individual's temporal focus, which varies as a function of culture, age, and short-term attention shifts. Here, we instead show that participants map the future on to a frontal position, regardless of cultural background and short-term shifts. However, one factor that does influence temporal mappings is age, such that older participants are more likely to map the future as behind than younger participants. These findings suggest that ageing may be a major determinant of space-time mappings, and that additional data need to be collected before concluding that culture or short-term attention do influence space-time mappings.

Two independent sources of difficulty in perspective-taking/theory of mind tasks.

Many perspective-taking and theory of mind tasks require participants to pass over the answer that is optimal from the self-perspective. For instance, in the classic change-of-location (false belief) task, participants are required to ignore where they know the object to be, and in the director task participants are required to ignore the best match for the instruction the other, less knowledgeable agent gives them (e.g., 'the top cup'). However, a second but equally critical requirement in such tasks is the ability to select a response which is wrong from the self-perspective; where the object is not, or an object that does not match the instruction (e.g., the middle cup instead of the top cup from one's own perspective). We present the results of an experiment that teases apart these two effects and demonstrate that both contribute independently to the difficulty in taking other perspectives. Reanalyses of data from previous experiments confirm this dual effect. These results suggest a revision of our understanding of egocentricity and difficulty in perspective-taking generally.

Reduced egocentric bias when perspective-taking compared with working from rules.

Previous research has suggested that adults are sometimes egocentric, erroneously attributing their current beliefs, perspectives, and opinions to others. Interestingly, this egocentricity is sometimes stronger when perspective-taking than when working from functionally identical but non-perspectival rules. Much of our knowledge of egocentric bias comes from Level 1 perspective-taking (e.g., judging whether something is seen) and judgements made about narrated characters or avatars rather than truly social stimuli such as another person in the same room. We tested whether adults would be egocentric on a Level 2 perspective-taking task (judging how something appears), in which they were instructed to indicate on a continuous colour scale the colour of an object as seen through a filter. In our first experiment, we manipulated the participants' knowledge of the object's true colour. We also asked participants to judge either what the filtered colour looked like to themselves or to another person present in the room. We found participants' judgements did not vary across conditions. In a second experiment, we instead manipulated how much participants knew about the object's colour when it was filtered. We found that participants were biased towards the true colour of the object when making judgements about targets they could not see relative to targets they could, but that this bias disappeared when the instruction was to imagine what the object looked like to another person. We interpret these findings as indicative of reduced egocentricity when considering other people's experiences of events relative to considering functionally identical but abstract rules.

Where was I? Taking alternative visual perspectives can make us (briefly) misplace our own.

How do we imagine what the world looks like from another visual perspective? The two most common proposals-embodiment and array rotation-imply that we must briefly imagine either movement of the self (embodiment) or movement of the scene (array rotation). What is not clear is what this process might mean for our real, egocentric perspective of the world. We present a novel task in which participants had to locate a target from an alternative perspective but make a manual response consistent with their own. We found that when errors occurred they were usually manual responses that would have been correct from the computed alternative perspective. This was the case both when participants were instructed to find the target from another perspective and when they were asked to imagine the scene itself rotated. We interpret this as direct evidence that perspective-taking leads to the brief adoption of a computed perspective-a new imagined relationship between ourselves and the scene-to the detriment of our own, egocentric point of view.

Perspective-Taking: In Search of a Theory.

Perspective-taking has been one of the central concerns of work on social attention and developmental psychology for the past 60 years. Despite its prominence, there is no formal description of what it means to represent another's viewpoint. The present article argues that such a description is now required in the form of theory-a theory that should address a number of issues that are central to the notion of assuming another's viewpoint. After suggesting that the mental imagery debate provides a good framework for understanding some of the issues and problems surrounding perspective-taking, we set out nine points that we believe any theory of perspective-taking should consider.