Medication Abortion "Reversal" Laws: How Unsound Science Paved the Way for Dangerous Abortion Policy.

Objectives. To longitudinally examine the legal landscape of laws requiring abortion patients be informed about the possibility of medication abortion (MAB) "reversal" (in quotes as it does not refer to an evidence-based medical procedure). Methods. We collected legal data on enacted state MAB-reversal laws across all 50 US states and Washington, DC, (collectively, states) from 2012 through 2021. We descriptively analyzed these laws to identify legal variation over time and geography, and conducted a content analysis to identify qualitative themes and patterns in MAB-reversal laws. Results. As of 2021, 14 states (27%)-mostly in the midwestern and southern United States-have enacted MAB-reversal laws. States largely use explicit language to describe reversal, require patients receive information during preabortion counseling, require physicians or physicians' agents to inform patients, instruct patients to contact a health care provider or visit "abortion pill reversal" resources for more information, and require reversal information be posted on state-managed Web sites. Conclusions. Reversal laws continue a dangerous precedent of using unsound science to justify laws regulating abortion access, intrude upon the patient‒provider relationship, and may negatively affect the emotional and physical health of patients seeking an MAB. (Am J Public Health. 2023;113(2):202-212. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2022.307140).

Racial/ethnic and educational inequities in restrictive abortion policy variation and adverse birth outcomes in the United States.

BACKGROUND: To examine racial/ethnic and educational inequities in the relationship between state-level restrictive abortion policies and adverse birth outcomes from 2005 to 2015 in the United States. METHODS: Using a state-level abortion restrictiveness index comprised of 18 restrictive abortion policies, we conducted a retrospective longitudinal analysis examining whether race/ethnicity and education level moderated the relationship between the restrictiveness index and individual-level probabilities of preterm birth (PTB) and low birthweight (LBW). Data were obtained from the 2005-2015 National Center for Health Statistics Period Linked Live Birth-Infant Death Files and analyzed with linear probability models adjusted for individual- and state-level characteristics and state and year fixed-effects. RESULTS: Among 2,250,000 live births, 269,253 (12.0%) were PTBs and 182,960 (8.1%) were LBW. On average, states had approximately seven restrictive abortion policies enacted from 2005 to 2015. Black individuals experienced increased probability of PTB with additional exposure to restrictive abortion policies compared to non-Black individuals. Similarly, those with less than a college degree experienced increased probability of LBW with additional exposure to restrictive abortion policies compared to college graduates. For all analyses, inequities worsened as state environments grew increasingly restrictive. CONCLUSION: Findings demonstrate that Black individuals at all educational levels and those with fewer years of education disproportionately experienced adverse birth outcomes associated with restrictive abortion policies. Restrictive abortion policies may compound existing racial/ethnic, socioeconomic, and intersecting racial/ethnic and socioeconomic perinatal and infant health inequities.

Activation of protein kinase Cα increases phosphorylation of the UT-A1 urea transporter at serine 494 in the inner medullary collecting duct.

Hypertonicity increases urea transport, as well as the phosphorylation and membrane accumulation of UT-A1, the transporter responsible for urea permeability in the inner medullary collect duct (IMCD). Hypertonicity stimulates urea transport through PKC-mediated phosphorylation. To determine whether PKC phosphorylates UT-A1, eight potential PKC phosphorylation sites were individually replaced with alanine and subsequently transfected into LLC-PK1 cells. Of the single mutants, only ablation of the S494 site dampened induction of total UT-A1 phosphorylation by the PKC activator phorbol dibutyrate (PDBu). This result was confirmed using a newly generated antibody that specifically detected phosphorylation of UT-A1 at S494. Hypertonicity increased UT-A1 phosphorylation at S494. In contrast, activators of cAMP pathways (PKA and Epac) did not increase UT-A1 phosphorylation at S494. Activation of both PKC and PKA pathways increased plasma membrane accumulation of UT-A1, although activation of PKC alone did not do so. However, ablating the PKC site S494 decreased UT-A1 abundance in the plasma membrane. This suggests that the cAMP pathway promotes UT-A1 trafficking to the apical membrane where the PKC pathway can phosphorylate the transporter, resulting in increased UT-A1 retention at the apical membrane. In summary, activation of PKC increases the phosphorylation of UT-A1 at a specific residue, S494. Although there is no cross talk with the cAMP-signaling pathway, phosphorylation of S494 through PKC may enhance vasopressin-stimulated urea permeability by retaining UT-A1 in the plasma membrane.

Effects of Georgia's Medicaid Family Planning Waiver on Pregnancy Characteristics and Birth Outcomes.

INTRODUCTION: Medicaid family planning waivers can increase access to health care services and have been associated with lower rates of unintended pregnancy, which is associated with a higher risk of negative birth outcomes such as preterm birth and low birthweight. The objective of this study was to test the effect of Georgia's Medicaid family planning waiver, Planning for Healthy Babies (P4HB), on pregnancy characteristics and birth outcomes. MATERIALS AND METHODS: We used the Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS) survey data in pre- (2008-2009) and two post-periods (2012-2013; 2017-2019). We identified those likely eligible for P4HB in Georgia (n = 1,967) and 10 comparison states (n = 13,449) and tested for effects using state and year fixed effects difference-in-differences modeling. RESULTS: P4HB was associated with a 13.3 percentage-point (pp) decrease in unintended pregnancy in the immediate post-period (p < .01) and an 11.4 pp decrease in the later post-period (p < .05). For the immediate post-period, P4HB was also associated with a 29.2 pp increase in the probability of prepregnancy contraception (p < .001) and a 1.1 pp decrease in the probability of a very low birthweight (VLBW) birth (p < .01). The reduction in VLBW birth was significant for non-Hispanic Black mothers (-3.9 pp; p < .05) but not for mothers of other races/ethnicities. DISCUSSION: Medicaid family planning waivers are an important structural policy intervention that can improve reproductive health care, particularly in states without Medicaid expansion. These waivers may also help address long-standing racial/ethnic disparities in access to reproductive health care and, potentially, adverse pregnancy and birth outcomes. However, the initial increase in pregnancies among people using contraception indicates that care must be taken to ensure that recipients have access to effective methods of contraception and receive counseling on effective use in order to avoid unintended consequences as more individuals try to prevent a pregnancy.

Estimation of Multiyear Consequences for Abortion Access in Georgia Under a Law Limiting Abortion to Early Pregnancy.

Importance: Following the US Supreme Court ruling in Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization, Georgia's law limiting abortion to early pregnancy, House Bill 481 (HB481), was allowed to go into effect in July 2022. Objectives: To estimate anticipated multiyear effects of HB481, which prohibits abortions after detection of embryonic cardiac activity, on abortion incidence in Georgia, and to examine inequities by race, age, and socioeconomic status. Design, Setting, and Participants: This repeated cross-sectional analysis used abortion surveillance data from January 1, 2007, to December 31, 2017, to estimate future effects of HB481 on abortion care in Georgia, with a focus on the 2 most recent years of data (2016 and 2017). Abortion surveillance data were obtained from the 2007-2017 Georgia Department of Public Health's Induced Termination of Pregnancy files. Linear regression was used to estimate trends in abortions provided at less than 6 weeks' gestation and at 6 weeks' gestation or later in Georgia, and χ2 analyses were used to compare group differences by race, age, and educational attainment. Data were analyzed from July 26 to September 22, 2022. Exposures: HB481, Georgia's law limiting abortion to early pregnancy. Main Outcome and Measures: Weeks' gestation at abortion (<6 vs ≥6 weeks). Results: From January 1, 2007, to December 31, 2017, there were 360 972 reported abortions in Georgia, with an annual mean (SD) of 32 816 (1812) abortions. Estimates from 2016 to 2017 suggest that 3854 abortions in Georgia (11.6%) would likely meet eligibility requirements for abortion care under HB481. Fewer abortions obtained by Black patients (1943 [9.6%] vs 1280 [16.2%] for White patients), patients younger than 20 years (261 [9.1%] vs 168 [15.0%] for those 40 years and older), and patients with fewer years of education (392 [9.2%] with less than a high school diploma and 1065 [9.6%] with a high school diploma vs 2395 [13.5%] for those with some college) would likely meet eligibility requirements under HB481. Conclusions and Relevance: These findings suggest that Georgia's law limiting abortion to early pregnancy (HB481) would eliminate access to abortion for nearly 90% of patients in Georgia, and disproportionately harm patients who are Black, younger, and in lower socioeconomic status groups.

Variation in Restrictive Abortion Policies and Adverse Birth Outcomes in the United States from 2005 to 2015.

BACKGROUND: Since 2011, U.S. states have enacted more than 400 policies restricting abortion access. As structural determinants, abortion policies have the potential to influence maternal and child health access, outcomes, and equity through multiple mechanisms. Limited research has examined their implications for birth outcomes. METHODS: We created a state-level abortion restrictiveness index composed of 18 restrictive abortion policies and evaluated the association between this index and individual-level probabilities of preterm birth (PTB) and low birthweight (LBW) within the United States and by Census Region, using data from the 2005-2015 National Center for Health Statistics Period Linked Live Birth-Infant Death Files. We used logistic multivariable regression modeling, adjusting for individual- and state-level factors and state and year fixed effects. RESULTS: Among 2,500,000 live births, 269,253 (12.0%) were PTBs and 182,960 (8.1%) were LBW. On average from 2005 to 2015, states had approximately seven restrictive abortion policies enacted, with more policies enacted in the Midwest and South. Nationally, relationships between state restrictiveness indices and adverse birth outcomes were insignificant. Regional analyses revealed that a 1 standard deviation increase in a state's restrictiveness index was associated with a 2% increase in PTB in the Midwest (marginal effect [ME], 0.25; 95% confidence interval [CI], 0.04-0.45; p < .01), a 15% increase in LBW in the Northeast (ME, 1.24; 95% CI, 0.12-2.35; p < .05), and a 2% increase in LBW in the West (ME, 0.12; 95% CI, 0.01-0.25; p < .05). CONCLUSION: Variation in restrictive abortion policy environments may have downstream implications for birth outcomes, and increases in abortion restrictions were associated with adverse birth outcomes in three out of four Census Regions.

"Post-Roe" Abortion Policy Context Heightens the Imperative for Multilevel, Comprehensive, Integrated Health Education.

The exceptionalism of abortion in public health education, due to social stigma, politicization, and lack of training, contributes to misinformation, policies unjustified by rigorous science, lack of access to person-centered health care, and systemic pregnancy-related inequities. Now that abortion access has vanished for large portions of the United States, following the Supreme Court decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization (JWHO), health educators must work to eliminate abortion-related silos, destigmatize abortion education, and bring comprehensive sexual and reproductive health information and evidence to the many audiences that will require it. We discuss consequences of abortion exceptionalism in health education for the public, health care providers, pregnant people, and health professionals in training-and opportunities to better and more accessibly provide sexual and reproductive health education to these audiences.

Dispersion of contraceptive access policies across the United States from 2006 to 2021.

Person-centered contraceptive access benefits reproductive autonomy, sexual wellbeing, menstrual regulation, and other preventive health. However, contraceptive access varies by social and geographic position, with policies either perpetuating or alleviating health inequities. We describe geographic and time-trend variation in an index from fewer (less expansive) to greater (more expansive) aggregation of U.S. state-level contraceptive access policies across 50 states and Washington, D.C. (collectively, states) from 2006 to 2021. We collected data from primary and secondary sources on 23 policies regulating contraceptive education, insurance coverage, minor's rights, provider authority, and more. As of 2021, the most enacted policies expanded contraceptive access through: 1) prescribing authority for nurse practitioners, certified nurse-midwives (n = 50, 98 % of states), and clinical nurse specialists (n = 38, 75 %); 2) Medicaid expansion (n = 38, 75 %); 3) prescription method insurance coverage (n = 30, 59 %); and 4) dispensing authority for nurse practitioners and certified nurse-midwives (n = 29, 57 %). The average overall U.S. policy index value increased in expansiveness from 6.9 in 2006 to 8.6 in 2021. States in the West and Northeast regions had the most expansive contraceptive access landscapes (average index values of 9.0 and 8.2, respectively) and grew more expansive over time (increased by 4-5 policies). The Midwest and South had least expansive landscapes (average index values of 5.0 and 6.1, respectively). Regions with more expansive sexual and reproductive health policy environments further expanded access, whereas least expansive environments were maintained. More nuanced understanding of how contraceptive policy diffusion affects health outcomes and equity is needed to inform public health advocacy and law making.

Racial and Ethnic Abortion Disparities Following Georgia's 22-Week Gestational Age Limit.

INTRODUCTION: Georgia's 2012 House Bill 954 (HB954) prohibiting abortions after 22 weeks from last menstrual period (LMP) has been associated with a significant decrease in abortions after 22 weeks. However, the policy's effects by race or ethnicity remain unexplored. We investigated whether changes in abortion numbers and ratios (per 1,000 live births) in Georgia after HB954 varied by race or ethnicity. METHODS: Using Georgia Department of Public Health induced terminations of pregnancy data from 2007 to 2017, we examined changes in number of abortions and abortion ratios (per 1,000 live births) by race and ethnicity following HB954 implementation. RESULTS: After full implementation of HB954 in 2015, the number of abortions and abortion ratios at or after 22 weeks (from last menstrual period) decreased among White (bNumber = -261.83, p < .001; bRatio = -3.31, p < .001), Black (bNumber = -416.17, p < .001; bRatio = -8.84, p < .001), non-Hispanic (bNumber = -667.00, p = .001; bRatio = -5.82, p < .001), and Hispanic (bNumber = -56.25, p = .002; bRatio = -2.44, p = .002) people. However, the ratio of abortions before 22 weeks increased for Black people (bLessThan22Weeks = 44.06, p = .028) and remained stable for White (bLessThan22Weeks = -6.78, p = .433), Hispanic (bLessThan22Weeks = 21.27, p = .212), and non-Hispanic people (bLessThan22Weeks = 26.93, p = .172). CONCLUSION: The full implementation of HB954 had differential effects by race/ethnicity and gestational age. Although abortion at 22 weeks or more decreased for all groups, abortion at less than 22 weeks increased among Black people. Additional research should elucidate the possible causes, consequences, and reactions to differential effects of abortion restrictions by race and ethnicity.

Purinergic signaling is enhanced in the absence of UT-A1 and UT-A3.

ATP is an important paracrine regulator of renal tubular water and urea transport. The activity of P2Y2 , the predominant P2Y receptor of the medullary collecting duct, is mediated by ATP, and modulates urinary concentration. To investigate the role of purinergic signaling in the absence of urea transport in the collecting duct, we studied wild-type (WT) and UT-A1/A3 null (UT-A1/A3 KO) mice in metabolic cages to monitor urine output, and collected tissue samples for analysis. We confirmed that UT-A1/A3 KO mice are polyuric, and concurrently observed lower levels of urinary cAMP as compared to WT, despite elevated serum vasopressin (AVP) levels. Because P2Y2 inhibits AVP-stimulated transport by dampening cAMP synthesis, we suspected that, similar to other models of AVP-resistant polyuria, purinergic signaling is increased in UT-A1/A3 KO mice. In fact, we observed that both urinary ATP and purinergic-mediated prostanoid (PGE2 ) levels were elevated. Collectively, our data suggest that the reduction of medullary osmolality due to the lack of UT-A1 and UT-A3 induces an AVP-resistant polyuria that is possibly exacerbated by, or at least correlated with, enhanced purinergic signaling.

Medicaid Family Planning Expansions: The Effect of State Plan Amendments on Postpartum Contraceptive Use.

OBJECTIVE: To determine the effect of state Medicaid family planning (FP) programs transitioning from a Section 1115 waiver to a State Plan Amendment (SPA) on reproductive health outcomes. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Data were from the Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System on 75,082 women who had a live birth between 2007 and 2013 and were living in one of nine states. We performed a difference-in-differences analysis to quantify the effect of the transition on postpartum contraceptive (PPC) use and unintended births (UBs). RESULTS: Over 80% of the sample reported using PPC; half reported an UB. The odds of PPC use among women who were living in a study state and gave birth after the transition were 1.14 times that of women who were living in a comparison state and/or gave birth before the transition (95% confidence interval: 1.04-1.24). CONCLUSIONS: Findings suggest that women living in states that transitioned from a waiver to SPA experienced an increased likelihood of PPC compared with those living in comparison states.

Absence of PKC-alpha attenuates lithium-induced nephrogenic diabetes insipidus.

Lithium, an effective antipsychotic, induces nephrogenic diabetes insipidus (NDI) in ∼40% of patients. The decreased capacity to concentrate urine is likely due to lithium acutely disrupting the cAMP pathway and chronically reducing urea transporter (UT-A1) and water channel (AQP2) expression in the inner medulla. Targeting an alternative signaling pathway, such as PKC-mediated signaling, may be an effective method of treating lithium-induced polyuria. PKC-alpha null mice (PKCα KO) and strain-matched wild type (WT) controls were treated with lithium for 0, 3 or 5 days. WT mice had increased urine output and lowered urine osmolality after 3 and 5 days of treatment whereas PKCα KO mice had no change in urine output or concentration. Western blot analysis revealed that AQP2 expression in medullary tissues was lowered after 3 and 5 days in WT mice; however, AQP2 was unchanged in PKCα KO. Similar results were observed with UT-A1 expression. Animals were also treated with lithium for 6 weeks. Lithium-treated WT mice had 19-fold increased urine output whereas treated PKCα KO animals had a 4-fold increase in output. AQP2 and UT-A1 expression was lowered in 6 week lithium-treated WT animals whereas in treated PKCα KO mice, AQP2 was only reduced by 2-fold and UT-A1 expression was unaffected. Urinary sodium, potassium and calcium were elevated in lithium-fed WT but not in lithium-fed PKCα KO mice. Our data show that ablation of PKCα preserves AQP2 and UT-A1 protein expression and localization in lithium-induced NDI, and prevents the development of the severe polyuria associated with lithium therapy.