Cancer Screening after the Adoption of Paid-Sick-Leave Mandates.

BACKGROUND: By the end of 2022, nearly 20 million workers in the United States have gained paid-sick-leave coverage from mandates that require employers to provide benefits to qualified workers, including paid time off for the use of preventive services. Although the lack of paid-sick-leave coverage may hinder access to preventive care, current evidence is insufficient to draw meaningful conclusions about its relationship to cancer screening. METHODS: We examined the association between paid-sick-leave mandates and screening for breast and colorectal cancers by comparing changes in 12- and 24-month rates of colorectal-cancer screening and mammography between workers residing in metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) that have been affected by paid-sick-leave mandates (exposed MSAs) and workers residing in unexposed MSAs. The comparisons were conducted with the use of administrative medical-claims data for approximately 2 million private-sector employees from 2012 through 2019. RESULTS: Paid-sick-leave mandates were present in 61 MSAs in our sample. Screening rates were similar in the exposed and unexposed MSAs before mandate adoption. In the adjusted analysis, cancer-screening rates were higher among workers residing in exposed MSAs than among those in unexposed MSAs by 1.31 percentage points (95% confidence interval [CI], 0.28 to 2.34) for 12-month colorectal cancer screening, 1.56 percentage points (95% CI, 0.33 to 2.79) for 24-month colorectal cancer screening, 1.22 percentage points (95% CI, -0.20 to 2.64) for 12-month mammography, and 2.07 percentage points (95% CI, 0.15 to 3.99) for 24-month mammography. CONCLUSIONS: In a sample of private-sector workers in the United States, cancer-screening rates were higher among those residing in MSAs exposed to paid-sick-leave mandates than among those residing in unexposed MSAs. Our results suggest that a lack of paid-sick-leave coverage presents a barrier to cancer screening. (Funded by the National Cancer Institute.).

Are You Ready to Negotiate Your First Employment Contract? Experience of More Than 700 Plastic Surgeons.

BACKGROUND: Plastic surgeons have been shown to be unprepared to negotiate their first employment contracts. Previous survey studies have attempted to assess plastic surgeons' first employment contracts to outline common pitfalls in contract negotiation. With this study, the authors aim to expand these previous studies and help plastic surgeons become prepared to negotiate their employment contracts. METHODS: A seven-question, cross-sectional survey was sent to attending-level surgeon members of the California Society of Plastic Surgeons, the American Society of Plastic Surgeons, the Texas Society of Plastic Surgeons, and the American Cleft Palate-Craniofacial Association. Questions investigated plastic surgeons' first contracts. Correlations were determined using a two-sample Wilcoxon rank sum test in an attempt to link these questions with overall satisfaction. RESULTS: From the 3908 distributed surveys, 782 (20 percent) responses were collected, and 744 were included for analysis. The majority of respondents were found to join a group-centered, private practice following residency. Surprisingly, 69 percent of surgeons did not use attorney assistance when negotiating their contract. Although greater than 70 percent of respondents reported a salary of $200,000 or less, satisfaction with one's contract was most strongly correlated with a salary of greater than $300,000 (p < 0.0001). However, only 12 percent of respondent surgeons were able to secure such a salary. CONCLUSIONS: This study examined the largest, most diverse plastic surgeon cohort to date regarding surgeons' first employment contract. Although the authors' findings indicate that certain factors should be prioritized when approaching a first employment contract, they ultimately recommend that all surgeons take into account their personal priorities and attempt to proactively define their terms of employment before signing a contract.

Características del servicio social para profesionales médicos en los estados andinos / Characteristics of compulsory service programs for medical professionals in the Andean states

INTRODUCCIÓN: Se ha estudiado poco sobre el impacto de los programas de servicio social en salud en el desarrollo profesional de médicos de los Estados Andinos (Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Perú y Venezuela), programas cuya finalidad es incrementar los recursos humanos en salud en zonas rurales y remotas. OBJETIVO: Describir la normativa de los programas de servicio social para profesionales médicos de los Estados Andinos. MÉTODOS: Se realizó una revisión bibliográfica de documentos normativos concernientes al servicio social para profesionales médicos en sitios web de gobiernos de los Estados Andinos, con la finalidad de obtener información la condición de servicio, financiamiento del programa/remuneraciones y modos de adjudicación. Adicionalmente, se empleó el motor de búsqueda PubMed para complementar la información sobre servicios sociales obligatorios en estos países. RESULTADOS: El servicio social para profesionales médicos está establecido bajo un marco normativo en todos los Estados Andinos, a excepción de Argentina, donde no existe este programa. Los participantes perciben una remuneración, salvo en Bolivia, donde el servicio es realizado por estudiantes. Los sistemas de adjudicación para estos programas son heterogéneos, siendo que en algunos Estados Andinos existe asignación de plazas según criterios meritocráticos. La participación en programas sociales en salud condiciona el ejercicio profesional (Ecuador, Colombia y Venezuela) y el poder realizar una especialización (Chile y Perú). CONCLUSIONES: Se requiere estudiar del impacto de estos programas en el desarrollo profesional del participante, con el objetivo de implementar estrategias de mejora adecuadas a sus contextos particulares.

INTRODUCTION: There are few studies on the impact of social service programs on health in the professional development of doctors in the Andean States (Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela). The purpose of these programs is to increase the availability of human resources in health in rural and remote areas. OBJECTIVE: To describe the regulations of social service programs for medical professionals in the Andean countries. METHODS: We carried out a bibliographic review of normative documents concerning the social service for medical professionals using websites of governments of the Andean States as data sources. We sought to obtain information regarding service conditions, funding of these programs­including remunerations, and means of program allocation. Additionally, we used PubMed/MEDLINE to find complementary information on mandatory social services in these countries. RESULTS: Social service for medical professionals is established under a regulatory framework in all the Andean countries, except for Argentina, where this program does not exist. Participants receive remuneration (except in Bolivia, where students perform the service). The allocation systems used for these programs are heterogeneous, and in some Andean countries, the allocation is merit-based. Participation in social programs influences later professional opportunities (Ecuador, Colombia, and Venezuela) and the ability to specialize (Chile and Peru). CONCLUSIONS: It is necessary to study the impact of these programs on the professional development of the participants to design and implement quality improvement strategies tailored to each context.

Minimum wages and public health: A literature review.

We evaluate evidence for the effectiveness of raising minimum wages on various measures of public health within the US, Canada, the UK, and Europe. We search four scientific websites from the inception of the research through May 20, 2018. We find great variety (20+) in measured outcomes among the 33 studies that pass our initial screening. We establish quality standards in a second screening resulting in 15 studies in which we create outcome-based groups. Outcomes include four broad measures (general overall health, behavior, mental health, and birth weight) and eight narrow measures (self-reported health, "bad" health days, unmet medical need, smoking, problem-drinking, obesity, eating vegetables, and exercise). We establish criteria for "stronger" findings for outcomes and methods. Stronger findings include: $1 increases in minimum wages are associated with 1.4 percentage point (4% evaluated at mean) decreases in smoking prevalence; failure to reject null hypotheses that minimum wages have no effects for most outcomes; and no consistent evidence that minimum wages harm health. One "suggestive" finding is that the best-designed studies have well-defined treatment (or likely affected) and control (unaffected) groups and contain longitudinal data. The major methodological weaknesses afflicting many studies are the lack of focus on persons likely affected by minimum wages and omission of "falsification tests" on persons likely unaffected. An additional weakness is lack of attention to how findings might differ across populations such as teenagers, adults, men, women, continuously employed and unemployed persons. Research into health effects of minimum wages is in its infancy and growing rapidly. We present a list of "better practices" for future research.

Educating Restaurant Workers About Paid Sick Leave: A Pilot Study From New York City.

Across the United States, cities, states, and counties are rapidly adopting paid sick leave laws. Paid sick leave policies for restaurant workers may be particularly beneficial, since these workers are less likely to have these benefits and have the potential to spread infection through food-handling and engagement with the public. In order for paid sick leave laws to work, workers and employers must be educated about these laws broadly and effectively. Focusing on New York City, we conducted a pilot research using key stakeholder interviews to learn about New York City's successes and challenges in educating workers and businesses about the law. Our findings indicate several lessons learned, including allocating sufficient funding, combined use of coalition building and organizing models, and attention to the needs of immigrant restaurant workers. Findings also suggest that greater attention should be paid to proactively addressing workplace organization and practices that thwart paid sick leave use.

Introduction of a National Minimum Wage Reduced Depressive Symptoms in Low-Wage Workers: A Quasi-Natural Experiment in the UK.

Does increasing incomes improve health? In 1999, the UK government implemented minimum wage legislation, increasing hourly wages to at least £3.60. This policy experiment created intervention and control groups that can be used to assess the effects of increasing wages on health. Longitudinal data were taken from the British Household Panel Survey. We compared the health effects of higher wages on recipients of the minimum wage with otherwise similar persons who were likely unaffected because (1) their wages were between 100 and 110% of the eligibility threshold or (2) their firms did not increase wages to meet the threshold. We assessed the probability of mental ill health using the 12-item General Health Questionnaire. We also assessed changes in smoking, blood pressure, as well as hearing ability (control condition). The intervention group, whose wages rose above the minimum wage, experienced lower probability of mental ill health compared with both control group 1 and control group 2. This improvement represents 0.37 of a standard deviation, comparable with the effect of antidepressants (0.39 of a standard deviation) on depressive symptoms. The intervention group experienced no change in blood pressure, hearing ability, or smoking. Increasing wages significantly improves mental health by reducing financial strain in low-wage workers. © 2016 The Authors. Health Economics published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd.