Punitive school discipline as a mechanism of structural marginalization with implications for health inequity: A systematic review of quantitative studies in the health and social sciences literature.

Punitive school discipline deploys surveillance, exclusion, and corporal punishment to deter or account for perceived student misbehavior. Yet, education and legal scholarship suggests it fails to achieve stated goals and exacerbates harm. Furthermore, it is disproportionately imposed upon Black, Latinx, Native/Indigenous, LGBTQIA, and disabled students, concentrating its harms among marginalized young people. Its implications for health, however, are less clear. Using public health theories of sociostructural embodiment, we propose a framework characterizing pathways linking societal ideologies (e.g., racism) to punitive discipline with implications for health and health inequity and then present our systematic review of the punitive school discipline-health literature (N = 19 studies) conducted in accordance with PRISMA guidelines. Data were extracted on guiding theories, study characteristics, measurement, methods, and findings. This literature links punitive school discipline to greater risk for numerous health outcomes, including persistent depressive symptoms, depression, drug use disorder in adulthood, borderline personality disorder, antisocial behavior, death by suicide, injuries, trichomoniasis, pregnancy in adolescence, tobacco use, and smoking, with documented implications for racial health inequity. Using our adapted framework, we contextualize results and recommend avenues for future research. Our findings support demands to move away from punitive school discipline toward health-affirming interventions to promote school connectedness, safety, and wellbeing.

Collateral consequences of the school-to-prison pipeline: Adolescent substance use and developmental risk.

OBJECTIVE: The adolescent health consequences of the school-to-prison pipeline remain underexplored. We test whether initiating components of the school-to-prison pipeline-suspensions, expulsions, and school policing-are associated with higher school-average levels of student substance use, depressed feelings, and developmental risk in the following year. METHOD: We linked 2003-2014 data from the California Healthy Kids Survey and the Civil Rights Data Collection from over 4,800 schools and 4,950,000 students. With lagged multi-level models, we estimated relationships between the school prevalence of total discipline, out-of-school discipline, and police-involved discipline, and standardized school-average levels of 6 substance use measures and 8 measures of developmental risk, respectively. RESULTS: The prevalence of school discipline predicted subsequent school-mean substance use and developmental risk. A one-unit higher prevalence of total discipline predicted higher school levels (in standard deviations) of binge drinking alcohol (0.14, 95% CI: 0.11, 0.17), drinking alcohol (0.15, 95% CI: 0.12, 0.18), smoking tobacco (0.09, 95% CI: 0.06, 0.12), using cannabis (0.16, 95% CI: 0.14, 0.19), using other drugs (0.17, 95% CI: 0.14, 0.21), and violence/harassment (0.16, 95% CI: 0.12, 0.2). Total discipline predicted lower levels of reported community support (-0.07, 95% CI: -0.1, -0.05), feeling safe in school (-0.12, 95% CI: -0.16, -0.09), and school support (-0.16, 95% CI: -0.19, -0.12). Associations were greater in magnitude for more severe out-of-school discipline. Findings were inconsistent for police-involved discipline. CONCLUSION: Exclusionary school discipline and school policing-core elements of the school-to-prison pipeline-are previously unidentified population predictors of adolescent substance use and developmental risk.

School Health Predictors of the School-to-Prison Pipeline: Substance Use and Developmental Risk and Resilience Factors.

PURPOSE: The purpose of the study is to establish prospective relationships among school mean levels of substance use, developmental risk and resilience factors, and school discipline. METHODS: We linked 2003-2014 data from the California Healthy Kids Survey and the Civil Rights Data Collection, from more than 4,800 schools and 4,950,000 students. With lagged multilevel linear models, we estimated relationships among standardized school average levels of six substance use measures; eight developmental risk and resilience factors; and the prevalence of total discipline, out-of-school discipline, and police-involved discipline. RESULTS: School mean substance use and risk/resilience factors predicted subsequent prevalence of discipline. For example, a one-standard deviation higher school mean level of smoking, binge drinking, and cannabis use was associated, respectively, with 16% (95% confidence interval [CI]: 14%, 18%), 18% (95% CI: 16%, 20%), and 21% (95% CI: 19%, 23%) higher subsequent prevalence of total discipline. A one-standard deviation higher mean level of community support and feeling safe in school was associated, respectively, with 21% (95% CI: 18%, 23%) and 9% (95% CI: 7%, 11%) lower total discipline. Higher violence/harassment was associated with 5% (95% CI: 4%, 7%) higher total discipline. Peer and home support, student resilience, and neighborhood safety were not associated with total discipline. Nearly all associations remained, attenuated, when we restricted to out-of-school and police-involved discipline. CONCLUSIONS: Schools with students who, on average, have higher substance use, less school and community support, and feel less safe in schools have a higher prevalence of school discipline and police contact. The public health implications of mass criminalization extend beyond criminal legal system settings and into schools.

US trends in binge drinking by gender, occupation, prestige, and work structure among adults in the midlife, 2006-2018.

BACKGROUND: Rates of binge drinking have nearly doubled among US women ages 30-49 since 2006. Employment influences alcohol use and varies by the prestige and structure (e.g., authority, autonomy, expertise) of one's occupation. METHODS: We examined trends in binge drinking among adults ages 30-49 in the labor force in 2006-2018 National Health Interview Surveys (N = 108,981) by occupation, work prestige (General Social Survey's occupational prestige score), work structure (occupational authority, autonomy, automation, expertise), and gender. We estimated odds of binge drinking by year with survey-weighted logistic regression controlled for sociodemographics, smoking, and disability. RESULTS: In 2018, 30% of women and 43% of men reported binge drinking; drinking increased annually from 2006-2018 (OR for women = 1.08, OR for men = 1.03). Work status, prestige, and work structure modified the association. Women in high- (OR = 1.10, 95% CI: 1.09-1.12) versus low-prestige (OR = 1.05, 95% CI: 1.04-1.06) jobs had higher increases, as did men in high-prestige jobs (OR = 1.04, 95% CI: 1.03-1.05). Respondents in higher relative to lower authority, autonomy, and expertise jobs increased binge drinking. CONCLUSIONS: Though all strata of workforce adults increased binge drinking, increases were concentrated among women in higher-status careers, implicating gendered shifts in labor as one determinant of recent national alcohol trends.

Association between county jail incarceration and cause-specific county mortality in the USA, 1987-2017: a retrospective, longitudinal study.

BACKGROUND: Mass incarceration has collateral consequences for community health, which are reflected in county-level health indicators, including county mortality rates. County jail incarceration rates are associated with all-cause mortality rates in the USA. We assessed the causes of death that drive the relationship between county-level jail incarceration and mortality. METHODS: In this retrospective, longitudinal study, we assessed the association between county-level jail incarceration rates and county-level cause-specific mortality using county jail incarceration data (1987-2017) for 1094 counties in the USA obtained from the Vera Institute of Justice and cause-specific mortality data for individuals younger than 75 years in the total county population (1988-2018) obtained from the US National Vital Statistics System. We fitted quasi-Poisson models for nine common causes of death (cerebrovascular disease, chronic lower respiratory disease, diabetes, heart disease, infectious disease, malignant neoplasm, substance use, suicide, and unintentional injury) with county fixed effects, controlling for all unmeasured stable county characteristics and measured time-varying confounders (county median age, county poverty rate, county percentage of Black residents, county crime rate, county unemployment rate, and state incarceration rate). We lagged county jail incarceration rates by 1 year to assess the short-term, by 5 years to assess the medium-term, and by 10 years to assess the long-term associations of jail incarceration with premature mortality. FINDINGS: A 1 per 1000 within-county increase in jail incarceration rate was associated with a 6·5% increase in mortality from infectious diseases (risk ratio 1·065, 95% CI 1·061-1·070), a 4·9% increase in mortality from chronic lower respiratory disease (1·049, 1·045-1·052), a 2·6% increase in mortality induced from substance use (1·026, 1·020-1·032), a 2·5% increase in suicide mortality (1·025, 1·020-1·029), and smaller increases in mortality from heart disease (1·021, 1·019-1·023), unintentional injury (1·015, 1·011-1·018), malignant neoplasm (1·014, 1·013-1·016), diabetes (1·013, 1·009-1·018), and cerebrovascular disease (1·010, 1·007-1·013) after 1 year. Associations between jail incarceration and cause-specific mortality rates weakened as time lags increased, but to a greater extent for causes of death with generally shorter latency periods (infectious disease and suicide) than for those with generally longer latency periods (heart disease, malignant neoplasm, and cerebrovascular disease). INTERPRETATION: Jail incarceration rates are potential drivers of many causes of death in US counties. Jail incarceration can be harmful not only to the health of individuals who are incarcerated, but also to public health more broadly. Our findings suggest important points of intervention, including disinvestment from carceral systems and investment in social and public health services, such as community-based treatment of substance-use disorders. FUNDING: US National Institute on Drug Abuse (National Institutes of Health).

Identifying sensitive periods when changes in parenting and peer factors are associated with changes in adolescent alcohol and marijuana use.

PURPOSE: There are well-established associations between parental/peer relationships and adolescent substance use, but few longitudinal studies have examined whether adolescents change their substance use in response to changes in their parents' behavior or peer networks. We employ a within-person change approach to address two key questions: Are changes in parenting and peer factors associated with changes in adolescent marijuana and alcohol use? Are there sensitive periods when changes in parenting and peer factors are more strongly associated with changes in adolescent marijuana and alcohol use? METHODS: We analyzed longitudinal data collected annually on 503 boys, ages 13-19, recruited from Pittsburgh public schools. Questionnaires regarding parental supervision, negative parenting practices, parental stress, physical punishment, peer delinquency, and peer drug use were administered to adolescents and their caretakers. Alcohol and marijuana use were assessed by a substance use scale adapted from the National Youth Survey. RESULTS: Reductions in parental supervision and increases in peer drug use and peer delinquency were associated with increases in marijuana frequency, alcohol frequency, and alcohol quantity. Increases in parental stress were associated with increases in marijuana and alcohol frequency. The magnitudes of these relationships were strongest at ages 14-15 and systematically decreased across adolescence. These associations were not due to unmeasured stable confounders or measured time-varying confounders. CONCLUSIONS: Reducing or mitigating changes in parenting and peer risk factors in early adolescence may be particularly important for preventing substance use problems as adolescents transition into young adulthood.