Corporate Political Activity: Taxonomies and Model of Corporate Influence on Public Policy.

BACKGROUND: Non-communicable diseases (NCDs) kill 41 million people a year. The products and services of unhealthy commodity industries (UCIs) such as tobacco, alcohol, ultra-processed foods and beverages and gambling are responsible for much of this health burden. While effective public health policies are available to address this, UCIs have consistently sought to stop governments and global organisations adopting such policies through what is known as corporate political activity (CPA). We aimed to contribute to the study of CPA and development of effective counter-measures by formulating a model and evidence-informed taxonomies of UCI political activity. METHODS: We used five complementary methods: critical interpretive synthesis of the conceptual CPA literature; brief interviews; expert co-author knowledge; stakeholder workshops; testing against the literature. RESULTS: We found 11 original conceptualisations of CPA; four had been used by other researchers and reported in 24 additional review papers. Combining an interpretive synthesis of all these papers and feedback from users, we developed two taxonomies - one on framing strategies and one on action strategies. The former identified three frames (policy actors, problem, and solutions) and the latter six strategies (access and influence policy-making, use the law, manufacture support for industry, shape evidence to manufacture doubt, displace, and usurp public health, manage reputations to industry's advantage). We also offer an analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of UCI strategies and a model that situates industry CPA in the wider social, political, and economic context. CONCLUSION: Our work confirms the similarity of CPA across UCIs and demonstrates its extensive and multi-faceted nature, the disproportionate power of corporations in policy spaces and the unacceptable conflicts of interest that characterise their engagement with policy-making. We suggest that industry CPA is recognised as a corruption of democracy, not an element of participatory democracy. Our taxonomies and model provide a starting point for developing effective solutions.

Defining and conceptualising the commercial determinants of health.

Although commercial entities can contribute positively to health and society there is growing evidence that the products and practices of some commercial actors-notably the largest transnational corporations-are responsible for escalating rates of avoidable ill health, planetary damage, and social and health inequity; these problems are increasingly referred to as the commercial determinants of health. The climate emergency, the non-communicable disease epidemic, and that just four industry sectors (ie, tobacco, ultra-processed food, fossil fuel, and alcohol) already account for at least a third of global deaths illustrate the scale and huge economic cost of the problem. This paper, the first in a Series on the commercial determinants of health, explains how the shift towards market fundamentalism and increasingly powerful transnational corporations has created a pathological system in which commercial actors are increasingly enabled to cause harm and externalise the costs of doing so. Consequently, as harms to human and planetary health increase, commercial sector wealth and power increase, whereas the countervailing forces having to meet these costs (notably individuals, governments, and civil society organisations) become correspondingly impoverished and disempowered or captured by commercial interests. This power imbalance leads to policy inertia; although many policy solutions are available, they are not being implemented. Health harms are escalating, leaving health-care systems increasingly unable to cope. Governments can and must act to improve, rather than continue to threaten, the wellbeing of future generations, development, and economic growth.

Point prevalence survey of antibiotic use among hospitalized patients across 41 hospitals in Thailand.

Objectives: To describe the antibiotic use among hospitalized patients in Thailand. Methods: A standardized cross-sectional point prevalence survey (PPS) modified from the WHO PPS protocol was conducted in 41 selected hospitals in Thailand. All inpatients who received an antibiotic at 9 a.m. on the survey date were enrolled. The total number of inpatients on that day was the denominator. Results: Between March and May 2021, a total of 8958 inpatients were enumerated; 4745 inpatients received antibiotics on the day of the survey and there were 6619 prescriptions of antibiotics. The prevalence of antibiotic use was 53.0% (95% CI 51.1%-54.0%), ranging from 14.3% to 73.4%. The antibiotic use was highest among adults aged >65 years (57.1%; 95% CI 55.3%-58.9%). From 6619 antibiotics prescribed, 68.6% were used to treat infection, 26.7% for prophylaxis and 4.7% for other or unknown indications. Overall, the top three commonly used antibiotics were third-generation cephalosporins (1993; 30.1%), followed by first-generation cephalosporins (737; 11.1%) and carbapenems (703; 10.6%). The most frequently used antibiotics for community-acquired infections were third-generation cephalosporins (36.8%), followed by ß-lactam/ß-lactamase inhibitors (11.8%) and carbapenems (11.3%) whereas for the patients with hospital-acquired infections, the most common antibiotics used were carbapenems (32.7%), followed by ß-lactam/ß-lactamase inhibitors (15.7%), third-generation cephalosporins (11.7%) and colistin (11.7%). The first-generation cephalosporins were the most commonly used antibiotics (37.7%) for surgical prophylaxis. Seventy percent of the patients received surgical prophylaxis for more than 1 day post surgery. Conclusions: The prevalence of antibiotic use among hospitalized patients in Thailand is high and one-quarter of these antibiotics were used for prophylaxis. The majority of surgical prophylaxis was inappropriately used for a long duration post operation. Therefore, it is recommended that local guidelines should be developed and implemented.

Smoking prevalence and attributable deaths in Thailand: predicting outcomes of different tobacco control interventions.

BACKGROUND: Despite substantial positive impacts of Thailand's tobacco control policies on reducing the prevalence of smoking, current trends suggest that further reductions are needed to ensure that WHO's 2025 voluntary global target of a 30% relative reduction in tobacco use is met. In order to confirm this hypothesis, we aim to estimate the effect of tobacco control policies in Thailand on the prevalence of smoking and attributed deaths and assess the possibilities of achieving WHO's 2025 global target. This paper addresses this knowledge gap which will contribute to policy control measures on tobacco control. Results of this study can help guide policy makers in implementing further interventions to reduce the prevalence of smoking in Thailand. METHOD: A Markov chain model was developed to examine the effect of tobacco control policies, such as accessibility restrictions for youths, increased tobacco taxes and promotion of smoking cessation programs, from 2015 to 2025. Outcomes included smoking prevalence and the number of smoking-attributable deaths. Due to the very low prevalence of female smokers in 2014, this study applied the model to estimate the smoking prevalence and attributable mortality among males only. RESULTS: Given that the baseline prevalence of smoking in 2010 was 41.7% in males, the target of a 30% relative reduction requires that the prevalence be reduced to 29.2% by 2025. Under a baseline scenario where smoking initiation and cessation rates among males are attained by 2015, smoking prevalence rates will reduce to 37.8% in 2025. The combined tobacco control policies would further reduce the prevalence to 33.7% in 2025 and 89,600 deaths would be averted. CONCLUSION: Current tobacco control policies will substantially reduce the smoking prevalence and smoking-attributable deaths. The combined interventions can reduce the smoking prevalence by 19% relative to the 2010 level. These projected reductions are insufficient to achieve the committed target of a 30% relative reduction in smoking by 2025. Increased efforts to control tobacco use will be essential for reducing the burden of non-communicable diseases in Thailand.

Addressing NCDs: Challenges From Industry Market Promotion and Interferences.

Addressing the determinants of non-communicable diseases (NCDs) is challenged by aggressive market promotion by tobacco, alcohol and unhealthy food industries in emerging countries with fast economic development; and interference by these industries in government policies aimed at containing consumption of unhealthy products. This editorial reviews market promotion and industry interference and classifies them into four groups of tactics: (a) interfering with the legislative process; (b) using front groups to act on their behalf; (c) questioning the evidence of tobacco harm and the effectiveness of harm-reduction interventions; and (d) appearing responsible in the eyes of the public, journalists and policy-makers. Despite active implementation of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC), the tobacco, alcohol and unhealthy food industries use similar tactics to aggressively interfere in policies, with the tobacco industry being the most aggressive. Policy interference by industries are effective in the context of poor governance, rampant corruption, conflict of interest among political and government actors, and regulatory capture in all levels of countries from low- to high-income. In addressing these interferences, government requires the practice of good governance, effective mechanisms to counteract conflict of interests among political and policy actors, and prevention of regulatory capture. The World Health Organization (WHO) Framework of Engagement with non-State Actors can be applied to the country context when engaging private entities in the prevention and control of NCDs.

Lessons from the Thai Health Promotion Foundation.

To facilitate the policy response to noncommunicable diseases in Thailand, parliament adopted the Health Promotion Foundation Act in 2001. This Act led to the establishment of an autonomous government body, the Thai Health Promotion Foundation, called ThaiHealth. The foundation receives its revenue from a 2% surcharge of excise taxes on tobacco and alcohol. The fund supports evidence generation, campaigns and social mobilization to address noncommunicable disease risk factors, such as tobacco-use, harmful use of alcohol and sedentary behaviour. On average, its annual revenue is 120 million United States dollars (US$). Some notable ThaiHealth-supported public campaigns are for schools free of sweetened carbonated beverages; alcohol abstinence during three-month Buddhist lent; and nationwide physical activity. The percentage of people using tobacco decreased from 22.5% in 2001 to 18.2% in 2014. The annual per capita alcohol consumption decreased from 8.1 litres pure alcohol in 2005 to 6.9 litres in 2014. The percentage of the adult population doing at least 150 minutes of moderate-intensity or 75 minutes high-intensity aerobic exercise per week, increased from 66.3% in 2012 to 72.9% in 2017. A dedicated funding mechanism, a transparent and accountable organization, and the engagement of civil society organizations and other government agencies have enabled ThaiHealth to run these campaigns.

Afin de soutenir l'action politique concernant les maladies non transmissibles en Thaïlande, le Parlement a adopté une loi sur la Fondation pour la promotion de la santé en 2001. Cette loi a conduit à l'établissement d'un organisme gouvernemental autonome, la Fondation thaïlandaise pour la promotion de la santé, appelé « ThaiHealth ¼. Cette fondation tire ses revenus d'une majoration de 2% des taxes d'accise sur le tabac et l'alcool. Ces fonds soutiennent la production de données, l'organisation de campagnes et la mobilisation sociale pour agir sur les facteurs de risque de maladie non transmissible, tels que la consommation de tabac, la consommation nocive d'alcool et le comportement sédentaire. Le revenu annuel moyen de ThaiHealth s'élève à 120 millions de dollars des États-Unis. Certaines campagnes publiques importantes financées par ThaiHealth prônent l'élimination des boissons gazeuses sucrées dans les écoles, la privation d'alcool pendant les trois mois de la retraite de la saison des pluies, et l'activité physique dans tout le pays. Le pourcentage des fumeurs de tabac est passé de 22,5% en 2001 à 18,2% en 2014. La consommation annuelle d'alcool par habitant est passée de 8,1 litres d'alcool pur en 2005 à 6,9 litres en 2014. Le pourcentage de la population adulte faisant au moins 150 minutes d'exercices aérobiques modérément intenses ou 75 minutes d'exercices aérobiques très intenses par semaine est passé de 66,3% en 2012 à 72,9% en 2017. Un mécanisme de financement spécial, une organisation transparente et responsable, et l'engagement d'organisations de la société civile et d'autres agences gouvernementales ont permis à ThaiHealth de mener ces campagnes.

Para facilitar la respuesta política a las enfermedades no contagiosas en Tailandia, el Parlamento aprobó en 2001 la Ley de la Fundación para la promoción de la salud. Esta ley dio lugar a la creación del organismo gubernamental autónomo, la Fundación tailandesa para la promoción de la salud, denominada ThaiHealth. La fundación recibe ingresos de un recargo del 2 % de los impuestos especiales sobre el tabaco y el alcohol. El fondo apoya la generación de pruebas, las campañas y la movilización social para hacer frente a los factores de riesgo de las enfermedades no contagiosas, como el consumo de tabaco, el consumo nocivo de alcohol y los hábitos sedentarios. De media, sus ingresos anuales ascienden a 120 millones de dólares estadounidenses. Algunas de las campañas públicas que apoya ThaiHealth van dirigidas a sacar de las escuelas las bebidas con gas azucaradas, a la abstinencia del alcohol durante la cuaresma budista de tres meses y a fomentar la actividad física en todo el país. El porcentaje de personas que consumen tabaco disminuyó del 22,5 % en 2001 al 18,2 % en 2014. El consumo anual de alcohol per cápita disminuyó de 8,1 litros de alcohol puro en 2005 a 6,9 litros en 2014. El porcentaje de población adulta que hace al menos 150 minutos de ejercicio aeróbico de intensidad moderada o 75 minutos de ejercicio aeróbico de alta intensidad por semana aumentó del 66,3 % en 2012 al 72,9 % en 2017. Un mecanismo de financiación específico, una organización transparente y responsable, así como la participación de organizaciones de la sociedad civil y otros organismos gubernamentales han permitido a ThaiHealth llevar a cabo estas campañas.

Implementation of national action plans on noncommunicable diseases, Bhutan, Cambodia, Indonesia, Philippines, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Viet Nam.

By 2016, Member States of the World Health Organization (WHO) had developed and implemented national action plans on noncommunicable diseases in line with the Global action plan for the prevention and control of noncommunicable diseases (2013-2020). In 2018, we assessed the implementation status of the recommended best-buy noncommunicable diseases interventions in seven Asian countries: Bhutan, Cambodia, Indonesia, Philippines, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Viet Nam. We gathered data from a range of published reports and directly from health ministries. We included interventions that addressed the use of tobacco and alcohol, inadequate physical activity and high salt intake, as well as health-systems responses, and we identified gaps and proposed solutions. In 2018, progress was uneven across countries. Implementation gaps were largely due to inadequate funding; limited institutional capacity (despite designated noncommunicable diseases units); inadequate action across different sectors within and outside the health system; and a lack of standardized monitoring and evaluation mechanisms to inform policies. To address implementation gaps, governments need to invest more in effective interventions such as the WHO-recommended best-buy interventions, improve action across different sectors, and enhance capacity in monitoring and evaluation and in research. Learning from the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, the WHO and international partners should develop a standardized, comprehensive monitoring tool on alcohol, salt and unhealthy food consumption, physical activity and health-systems response.

En 2016, les États membres de l'Organisation mondiale de la Santé (OMS) avaient élaboré et mis en œuvre des plans d'action nationaux sur les maladies non transmissibles conformément au Plan d'action mondial pour la lutte contre les maladies non transmissibles (2013­2020). En 2018, nous avons évalué l'état de l'application des interventions les plus avantageuses recommandées en matière de maladies non transmissibles dans sept pays asiatiques: le Bhoutan, le Cambodge, l'Indonésie, les Philippines, le Sri Lanka, la Thaïlande et le Viet Nam. Nous avons recueilli des données à partir de toute une série de rapports publiés et directement auprès des ministères de la Santé. Nous avons inclus les interventions qui concernaient la consommation de tabac et d'alcool, une activité physique inadéquate et une consommation de sel élevée, ainsi que les réponses des systèmes de santé, et nous avons identifié les lacunes et proposé des solutions. En 2018, les progrès étaient variables selon les pays. Les lacunes étaient largement dues à un financement inadéquat; des capacités institutionnelles limitées (malgré des unités dédiées aux maladies non transmissibles); une action inadéquate dans les différents secteurs au sein et en dehors du système de santé; et l'absence de mécanismes de suivi et d'évaluation standardisés pour orienter les politiques. Afin de combler ces lacunes, les gouvernements doivent investir davantage dans des interventions efficaces telles que les interventions les plus avantageuses recommandées par l'OMS, améliorer l'action dans les différents secteurs, et renforcer les capacités en matière de suivi et d'évaluation, mais aussi de recherche. En s'inspirant de la Convention-cadre pour la lutte antitabac, l'OMS et ses partenaires internationaux devraient élaborer un outil de suivi complet et standardisé sur la consommation d'alcool, de sel et d'aliments malsains, l'activité physique et la réponse des systèmes de santé.

Para 2016, los Estados miembros de la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS) habían elaborado y aplicado planes de acción nacionales sobre las enfermedades no contagiosas de acuerdo con el Plan de acción mundial para la prevención y el control de las enfermedades no transmisibles (2013-2020). En 2018, se evaluó el estado de implementación de las intervenciones recomendadas en siete países asiáticos en materia de enfermedades no contagiosas: Bhután, Camboya, Filipinas, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, Tailandia y Vietnam. Se recopilaron datos de una serie de informes publicados y directamente de los ministerios de salud. Se incluyeron intervenciones que abordaron el uso del tabaco y el alcohol, la actividad física inadecuada y la ingesta elevada de sal, así como las respuestas de los sistemas de salud, se identificaron las deficiencias y se propusieron soluciones. En 2018, el progreso fue desigual entre los países. Las deficiencias en la aplicación se debieron en gran medida a la falta de financiación, a la limitada capacidad institucional (a pesar de las dependencias designadas para las enfermedades no contagiosas), a la inadecuación de las medidas adoptadas en los diferentes sectores dentro y fuera del sistema de salud y a la falta de mecanismos normalizados de supervisión y evaluación que sirvieran de base a las políticas. Para subsanar las deficiencias en materia de aplicación, los gobiernos deben invertir más en intervenciones eficaces, como las recomendadas por la OMS, mejorar las medidas adoptadas en los distintos sectores y aumentar la capacidad de seguimiento y evaluación y de investigación. A partir de las enseñanzas del Convenio Marco para el Control del Tabaco, la OMS y los asociados internacionales deberían elaborar un instrumento de seguimiento normalizado y completo para el consumo de alcohol, sal y alimentos no saludables, la actividad física y la respuesta de los sistemas de salud.

Multisectoral governance for health: challenges in implementing a total ban on chrysotile asbestos in Thailand.

INTRODUCTION: Interest in multisectoral governance for health has grown in recent years in response to the limitations of government-centric policy formulation and implementation. This study describes multisectoral governance associated with policy formulation and implementation of a total ban on chrysotile asbestos in Thailand. METHODS: Qualitative methods were applied, including analysis of related literature and media, and in-depth interviews with key informants. Consent was obtained for interview and tape recording; protection of confidentiality was fully assured. RESULTS: An agenda on total ban of chrysotile asbestos was proposed to the National Health Assembly, where a resolution was adopted in 2010. The resolution was endorsed by the Cabinet in 2011, which mandated the Ministry of Industry to implement the ban immediately. There was uneven interest and ownership by stakeholders in the policy formulation process. Long delays in implementation have been observed. Furthermore, while the policy is likely to affect relatively few industries there has been misinformation on the safe use of chrysotile, and delaying tactics and pressure from major chrysotile-exporting countries. CONCLUSION: The National Health Assembly is a useful platform for policy formulation on complex policy issues requiring multisectoral action. However, policy implementation is challenging due to lack of clear policy across sectors. Success in protecting people's health requires participatory policy-making and effective governance of multisectoral action throughout implementation. The Assembly is not designed to enforce implementation, especially when power and authority lie with state actors, but monitoring and public reporting would be powerful tools to drive this agenda.

Strategic purchasing and health system efficiency: A comparison of two financing schemes in Thailand.

Strategic purchasing is an essential health financing function. This paper compares the strategic purchasing practices of Thailand's two tax-financed health insurance schemes, the Universal Coverage Scheme (UCS) and the Civil Servant Medical Benefit Scheme (CSMBS), and identifies factors contributing to successful universal health coverage outcomes by analysing the relationships between the purchaser and government, providers and members. The study uses a cross-sectional mixed-methods design, including document review and interviews with 56 key informants. The Comptroller General Department (CGD) of Ministry of Finance manages CSMBS as one among civil servant welfare programmes. Their purchasing is passive. Fee for service payment for outpatient care has resulted in rapid cost escalation and overspending of their annual budget. In contrast, National Health Security Office (NHSO) manages purchasing for UCS, which undertakes a range of strategic purchasing actions, including applying closed ended provider payment, promoting primary healthcare's gate keeping functions, exercising collective purchasing power and engaging views of members in decision making process. This difference in purchasing arrangements resulted in expenditure per CSMBS member being 4 times higher than UCS in 2014. The governance of the purchaser organization, the design of the purchasing arrangements including incentives and use of information, and the institutional capacities to implement purchasing functions are essential for effective strategic purchasing which can improve health system efficiency as a whole.

Multisectoral Actions for Health: Challenges and Opportunities in Complex Policy Environments.

Multisectoral actions for health, defined as actions undertaken by non-health sectors to protect the health of the population, are essential in the context of inter-linkages between three dimensions of sustainable development: economic, social, and environmental. These multisectoral actions can address the social and economic factors that influence the health of a population at the local, national, and global levels. This editorial identifies the challenges, opportunities and capacity development for effective multisectoral actions for health in a complex policy environment. The root causes of the challenges lie in poor governance such as entrenched political and administrative corruption, widespread clientelism, lack of citizen voice, weak social capital, lack of trust and lack of respect for human rights. This is further complicated by the lack of government effectiveness caused by poor capacity for strong public financial management and low levels of transparency and accountability which leads to corruption. The absence of or rapid changes in government policies, and low salary in relation to living standards result in migration out of qualified staff. Tobacco, alcohol and sugary drink industries are major risk factors for non-communicable diseases (NCDs) and had interfered with health policy through regulatory capture and potential law suits against the government. Opportunities still exist. Some World Health Assembly (WHA) and United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) resolutions are both considered as external driving forces for intersectoral actions for health. In addition, Thailand National Health Assembly under the National Health Act is another tool providing opportunity to form trust among stakeholders from different sectors. Capacity development at individual, institutional and system level to generate evidence and ensure it is used by multisectoral agencies is as critical as strengthening the health literacy of people and the overall good governance of a country.

Area-level socioeconomic deprivation and mortality differentials in Thailand: results from principal component analysis and cluster analysis.

BACKGROUND: Despite achievement of universal health coverage in Thailand, socioeconomic inequality in health has been a major policy concern. This study examined mortality patterns across different socioeconomic strata in Thailand. METHODS: We conducted a cross-sectional analysis of the 2010 Population and Housing Census on area-level socioeconomic deprivation against the 2010 mortality from the vital registration database at the super-district level. We used principal components analysis to construct a socioeconomic deprivation index and K-mean cluster analysis to group socioeconomic status and cause-specific mortality. RESULTS: Excess mortality rates from all diseases, except colorectal cancer, were observed among super-districts with low socioeconomic status. Spatial clustering was evident in the distribution of socioeconomic status and mortality rates. Cluster analysis revealed that super-districts which were predominantly urban tended to have low all-cause standardize mortality ratio but a high colorectal cancer-specific mortality rate. Deaths due to liver cancer, diabetes, and renal diseases were common in the low socioeconomic super-districts which hosted one third of the total Thai population. CONCLUSION: Socially deprived areas have an excess of overall and cause specific deaths. Populations living in more affluent areas, despite low general mortality, still have many preventable deaths such as colorectal cancer. These findings warrant future epidemiological studies investigating various causes of excessive deaths in non-deprived areas and implementation of policies to reduce the mortality gap between rich and poor areas.

Implementing health insurance for migrants, Thailand.

PROBLEM: Undocumented migrant workers are generally ineligible for state social security schemes, and either forego needed health services or pay out of pocket. APPROACH: In 2001, the Thai Ministry of Public Health introduced a policy on migrant health. Migrant health insurance is a voluntary scheme, funded by an annual premium paid by workers. It enables access to health care at public facilities and reduces catastrophic health expenditures for undocumented migrants and their dependants. A range of migrant-friendly services, including trained community health volunteers, was introduced in the community and workplace. In 2014, the government introduced a multisectoral policy on migrants, coordinated across the interior, labour, public health and immigration ministries. LOCAL SETTING: In 2011, around 0.3 million workers, less than 9% of the estimated migrant labour force of 3.5 million, were covered by Thailand's social security scheme. RELEVANT CHANGES: A review of the latest data showed that from April to July 2016, 1 146 979 people (33.7% of the total estimated migrant labourers of 3 400 787) applied, were screened and were enrolled in the migrant health insurance scheme. Health volunteers, recruited from migrant communities and workplaces are appreciated by local communities and are effective in promoting health and increasing uptake of health services by migrants. LESSONS LEARNT: The capacity of the health ministry to innovate and manage migrant health insurance was a crucial factor enabling expanded health insurance coverage for undocumented migrants. Continued policy support will be needed to increase recruitment to the insurance scheme and to scale-up migrant-friendly services.

The economic burden of overseas medical treatment: a cross sectional study of Maldivian medical travelers.

BACKGROUND: Access to tertiary care is a problem common to many small states, especially island ones. Although medical treatment overseas (MTO) may result in cost savings to high income countries, it can be a relatively high cost for low and middle income source countries. The purpose of this study was to estimate the costs of overseas medical treatment incurred by the households of medical travelers from Maldives and assess the burden of medical treatment overseas on the government and on households. METHODS: A survey was conducted of inbound Maldivian medical travelers who traveled during the period June - December 2013. Participants were stratified by the source of funds used for treatment abroad. Three hundred and forty four government-subsidized and 471 privately funded Maldivians were interviewed. Self-reported data on the utilization and expenses incurred during the last visit abroad, including both expenses covered by the government and borne by the household, were collected using a researcher administered structured questionnaire. RESULTS: The median per capita total cost of a medical travel episode amounted to $1,470. Forty eight percent of the cost was spent on travel. Twenty six percent was spent on direct medical costs, which were markedly higher among patients subsidized by the government than self-funded patients (p = <0.001). The two highest areas of spending for public funds were neoplasms and diseases of the circulatory system in contrast to diseases of the musculoskeletal system and nervous system for privately funded patients. Medical treatment overseas imposed a considerable burden on households as 43% of the households of medical travelers suffered from catastrophic health spending. Annually, an estimated $68.9 million was spent to obtain treatment for Maldivians in overseas health facilities ($204 per capita), representing 4.8% of the country's GDP. CONCLUSIONS: Overseas medical treatment represents a substantial economic burden to the Maldives in terms of lost consumer spending in the local economy and catastrophic health spending by households. Geographical inequality in access to public funds for MTO and the disproportionate travel cost borne by travelers from rural areas need to be addressed in the existing Universal Health Care programme to minimize the burden of MTO. Increased investment to create more capacity in the domestic health infrastructure either through government, private or by foreign direct investment can help divert the outflow on MTO.

Low Coverage and Disparities of Breast and Cervical Cancer Screening in Thai Women: Analysis of National Representative Household Surveys.

BACKGROUND: The coverage of breast and cervical cancer screening has only slightly increased in the past decade in Thailand, and these cancers remain leading causes of death among women. This study identified socioeconomic and contextual factors contributing to the variation in screening uptake and coverage. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Secondary data from two nationally representative household surveys, the Health and Welfare Survey (HWS) 2007 and the Reproductive Health Survey (RHS) 2009 conducted by the National Statistical Office were used. The study samples comprised 26,951 women aged 30-59 in the 2009 RHS, and 14,619 women aged 35 years and older in the 2007 HWS were analyzed. Households of women were grouped into wealth quintiles, by asset index derived from Principal components analysis. Descriptive and logistic regression analyses were performed. RESULTS: Screening rates for cervical and breast cancers increased between 2007 and 2009. Education and health insurance coverage including wealth were factors contributing to screening uptake. Lower or non- educated and poor women had lower uptake of screenings, as were young, unmarried, and non-Buddhist women. Coverage of the Civil Servant Medical Benefit Scheme increased the propensity of having both screenings, while the universal coverage scheme increased the probability of cervical screening among the poor. Lack of awareness and knowledge contributed to non-use of both screenings. Women were put off from screening, especially Muslim women on cervical screening, because of embarrassment, fear of pain and other reasons. CONCLUSIONS: Although cervical screening is covered by the benefit package of three main public health insurance schemes, free of charge to all eligible women, the low coverage of cervical screening should be addressed by increasing awareness and strengthening the supply side. As mammography was not cost effective and not covered by any scheme, awareness and practice of breast self examination and effective clinical breast examination are recommended. Removal of cultural barriers is essential.

Breast cancer screening among women in Thailand: analyses of population-based household surveys.

OBJECTIVE: The incidence of breast cancer is the highest among female cancers in Thailand and has been steadily increasing during the past few decades. The present study aimed to determine uptake rates of breast cancer screening including breast self-examination (BSE), clinical breast examination (CBE), and mammography screening, and to identify enabling factors and barriers associated with screening uptake. MATERIAL AND METHOD: Secondary data from two population-based household surveys were used, the 2007 Health and Welfare Survey that comprised 18,474 women aged 20 years and older and the 2009 Reproductive Health Survey that comprised 26,951 women aged 30 to 59 years. Multivariate logistic regression analyses were performed to identify factors associated with screening. RESULTS: In 2007, the uptake rate ofBSE was 40.1% (18.4% for monthly BSE), 29.0%for CBE, and 5.9%for mammography In 2009, the uptake rate of any type of breast examination was 57.9%, while the mammography rate among women who had breast examinations was 29.6% (10.1% of all women in 2009). Frequency of CBE wasfound to be positively associated with BSE and mammography screening. Factors independently associated with screening uptake were having education at the bachelor's level or higher being in the richest wealth quintile based on household asset index, and being covered by the Civil Servant Medical Benefit Scheme. Women living in Bangkok metropolis and in the municipal areas ofother provinces had higher rates of mammography, while women living in the north and northeast regions and non-municipal areas were more likely to perform BSE and have CBE performed than those living in Bangkok and municipal areas, respectively. Common factors associated with less screening across the two surveys were age 55 and over being single or widowed, being Muslim or Christian, and having no health insurance. Lack of knowledge and awareness of breast cancer screening were found to be barriers for screening among all women, especially those with low educational levels. CONCLUSION: A low uptake of monthly BSE and mammography was observed. Early detection and awareness should be encouraged through proper BSE technique and effective CBE. Increased uptake of CBE should lead to a higher rate of mammography Increased knowledge, awareness, and participation in screening activities for selected groups, such as older women, those who are not married, non-Buddhists, and those with low education are recommended.

Economic evaluation of policy options for prevention and control of cervical cancer in Thailand.

BACKGROUND: The Thai healthcare setting has seen patients with cervical cancer experience an increasing burden of morbidity and mortality, a stagnation in the performance of cervical screening programmes and the introduction of a vaccine for the prevention of human papillomavirus (HPV) infection. OBJECTIVE: This study aims to identify the optimum mix of interventions that are cost effective, from societal and healthcare provider perspectives, for the prevention and control of cervical cancer. METHODS: A computer-based Markov model of the natural history of cervical cancer was used to simulate an age-stratified cohort of women in Thailand. The strategy comparators, including both control and prevention programmes, were (i) conventional cytology screening (Pap smears); (ii) screening by visual inspection with acetic acid (VIA); and (iii) HPV-16, -18 vaccination. Input parameters (e.g. age-specific incidence of HPV infection, progression and regression of the infection, test performance of screening methods and efficacy of vaccine) were synthesized from a systematic review and meta-analysis. Costs (year 2007 values) and outcomes were evaluated separately, and compared for each combination. The screening strategies were started from the age of 30-40 years and repeated at 5- and 10-year intervals. In addition, HPV vaccines were introduced at age 15-60 years. RESULTS: All of the screening strategies showed certain benefits due to a decreased number of women developing cervical cancer versus 'no intervention'. Moreover, the most cost-effective strategy from the societal perspective was the combination of VIA and sequential Pap smear (i.e., VIA every 5 years for women aged 30-45 years, followed by Pap smear every 5 years for women aged 50-60 years). This strategy was dominant, with a QALY gain of 0.01 and a total cost saving of Baht (Bt) 800, compared with doing nothing. From the societal perspective, universal HPV vaccination for girls aged 15 years without screening resulted in a QALY gain of 0.06 at an additional cost of Bt 8,800, based on the cost of Bt 15,000 for a full immunization schedule. The incremental cost-effectiveness ratio, comparing HPV vaccinations for girls aged 15 years with the current national policy of Pap smears for women aged 35-60 years every 5 years, was approximately Bt 18,1000 per QALY gained. This figure was relatively high for the Thai setting. CONCLUSIONS: The results suggest that controlling cervical cancer by increasing the numbers of women accepting the VIA and Pap smear screening as routine and by improving the performance of the existing screening programmes is the most cost-effective policy option in Thailand.

Asia can afford universal access for AIDS prevention and treatment.

This paper draws on published reports, data from the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria and the Asian Development Bank, and analysis by the Commission on AIDS in Asia to estimate financial resources required to achieve universal access for HIV in low-income and middle-income countries of Asia. It explores optimal use of available resources to mount effective response to AIDS in Asia against an uncertain economic climate. Although there is global commitment to tackle the HIV pandemic, available financing falls short of minimum requirements to achieve universal access to prevention and treatment. To support essential HIV priorities in Asia, the Commission on AIDS in Asia estimated annual resource needs to be US$ 3.1 billion. Yet, in 2007, according to one study, estimated total public spending on AIDS in 14 major Asian countries was only US$ 0.9 billion. Hence, scarce resources need to be carefully applied to address the concentrated HIV epidemics in Asia and achieve universal coverage by prioritizing investment in high-impact interventions to maximally avert new infections and deaths, intensifying multisectoral efforts through catalytic financing that mainstreams HIV interventions into existing services, particularly for low-impact prevention programs, and ensuring countries with growing economies mobilize increased amounts of domestic funding to match international financing.

Economic evaluation of palliative management versus peritoneal dialysis and hemodialysis for end-stage renal disease: evidence for coverage decisions in Thailand.

OBJECTIVE: To examine the value for money of including peritoneal dialysis (PD) or hemodialysis (HD) into the universal health insurance scheme of Thailand. METHODS: A probabilistic Markov model applied to end-stage renal disease (ESRD) patients aged 20 to 70 years was developed to examine the incremental cost-effectiveness ratio (ICER) of palliative care versus 1) providing PD as an initial treatment followed by HD if complications/switching occur; and 2) providing HD followed by PD if complications/switching occur. Input parameters were extracted from a national cohort, the Thailand Renal Replacement Therapy Registry, and systematic reviews, where possible. The study explored the effects of uncertainty around input parameters, presented as cost-effectiveness acceptability frontier, as well as the value of obtaining further information on chosen parameters, i.e., partial expected value of perfect information. RESULTS: Using a societal perspective, the average ICER of initial treatment with PD and the average ICER of initial treatment with HD were 672,000 and 806,000 Baht per quality-adjusted life-year (QALY) gained (52,000 and 63,000 purchasing power parity [PPP] US$/QALY) compared with palliative care. Providing treatments for younger ESRD patients resulted in a significant improvement of survival and gain of QALYs compared with the older aged group. The cost-effectiveness and cost-utility ratios of both options for the older age group were relatively similar. CONCLUSIONS: The results suggest that offering PD as initial treatment was a better choice than offering HD, but it would only be considered a cost-effective strategy if the social willingness-to-pay threshold was at or higher than 700,000 Baht per QALY (54,000 PPP US$/QALY) for the age 20 group and 750,000 Baht per QALY (58,000 PPP US$/QALY) for age 70 years.

Knowledge-based changes to health systems: the Thai experience in policy development.

Over the past two decades the government in Thailand has adopted an incremental approach to extending health-care coverage to the population. It first offered coverage to government employees and their dependents, and then introduced a scheme under which low-income people were exempt from charges for health care. This scheme was later extended to include elderly people, children younger than 12 years of age and disabled people. A voluntary public insurance scheme was implemented to cover those who could afford to pay for their own care. Private sector employees were covered by the Social Health Insurance scheme, which was implemented in 1991. Despite these efforts, 30% of the population remained uninsured in 2001. In October of that year, the new government decided to embark on a programme to provide universal health-care coverage. This paper describes how research into health systems and health policy contributed to the move towards universal coverage. Data on health systems financing and functioning had been gathered before and after the founding of the Health Systems Research Institute in early 1990. In 1991, a contract capitation model had been used to launch the Social Health Insurance scheme. The advantages of using a capitation model are that it contains costs and provides an acceptable quality of service as opposed to the cost escalation and inefficiency that occur under fee-for-service reimbursement models, such as the one used to provide medical benefits to civil servants. An analysis of the implementation of universal coverage found that politics moved universal coverage onto the policy agenda during the general election campaign in January 2001. The capacity for research on health systems and policy to generate evidence guided the development of the policy and the design of the system at a later stage. Because the reformists who sought to bring about universal coverage (who were mostly civil servants in the Ministry of Public Health and members of nongovernmental organizations) were able to bridge the gap between researchers and politicians, an evidence-based political decision was made. Additionally, the media played a part in shaping the societal consensus on universal coverage.