Partner resources and incidence and survival in two major causes of death.

Because people tend to marry social equals - and possibly also because partners affect each other's health - the social position of one partner is associated with the other partner's health and mortality. Although this link is fairly well established, the underlying mechanisms are not fully identified. Analyzing disease incidence and survival separately may help us to assess when in the course of the disease a partner's resources are of most significance. This article addresses the importance of partner's education, income, employment status, and health for incidence and survival in two major causes of death: cancer and cardiovascular diseases (CVD). Based on a sample of Finnish middle-aged and older couples (around 200,000 individuals) we show that a partner's education is more often connected to incidence than to survival, in particular for CVD. Once ill, any direct effect of partner's education seems to decline: The survival chances after being hospitalized for cancer or CVD are rather associated with partner's employment status and/or income level when other individual and partner factors are adjusted for. In addition, a partner's history of poor health predicted higher CVD incidence and, for women, lower cancer survival. The findings suggest that various partner's characteristics may have different implications for disease and survival, respectively. A wider focus on social determinants of health at the household level, including partner's social resources, is needed.

Family of origin and educational inequalities in mortality: Results from 1.7 million Swedish siblings.

Circumstances in the family of origin have short- and long-term consequences for people's health. Family background also influences educational achievements - achievements that are clearly linked to various health outcomes. Utilizing population register data, we compared Swedish siblings with different levels of education (1,732,119 individuals within 662,095 sibships) born between 1934 and 1959 and followed their death records until the end of 2012 (167,932 deaths). The educational gradient in all-cause mortality was lower within sibships than in the population as a whole, an attenuation that was strongest at younger ages (< 50 years of age) and for those with a working class or farmer background. There was substantial variation across different causes of death with clear reductions in educational inequalities in, e.g., lung cancer and diabetes, when introducing shared family factors, which may indicate that part of the association can be ascribed to circumstances that siblings have in common. In contrast, educational inequalities in suicide and, for women, other mental disorders increased when adjusting for factors shared by siblings. The vast variation in the role of childhood conditions for the education-mortality association may help us to further understand the interplay between family background, education, and mortality. The increase in the education gradient in suicide when siblings are compared may point towards individually oriented explanations ('non-shared environment'), perhaps particularly in mental disorders, while shared family factors primarily seem to play a more important role in diseases in which health behaviors are most significant.

Adult children's socioeconomic positions and their parents' mortality: a comparison of education, occupational class, and income.

Recent research has shown that the parents of well-educated children live longer than do other parents and that this association is only partly confounded by the parent's own socioeconomic position. However, the relationships between other aspects of children's socioeconomic position (e.g., occupational class and economic resources) and parental mortality have not been examined. Using the Swedish Multi-generation Register that connects parents to their children, this paper studies the associations of children's various socioeconomic resources (education, occupation, and income) and parents' mortality. The models are adjusted for a range of parental socioeconomic resources and include the resources of the parents' partners. In addition to all-cause mortality, five causes of death are analyzed separately (circulatory disease mortality, overall cancer, lung cancer, breast cancer, and prostate cancer). The results show net associations between all included indicators of children's socioeconomic position and parents' mortality risk, with the clearest association for education. Children's education is significantly associated with all of the examined causes of death except prostate cancer. Breast cancer mortality is negatively related to offspring's education but not the mothers' own education. To conclude, children's education seems to be a key factor compared with other dimensions of socioeconomic position in the offspring generation. This finding suggests that explanations linked to behavioral norms or knowledge are more plausible than those linked to access to material resources. However, it is possible that children's education - to a greater degree than class and income - captures unmeasured parental characteristics. The cause-specific analyses imply that future research should investigate whether offspring's socioeconomic position is linked to the likelihood of developing diseases and/or the chances of treating them. A broader family perspective in the description and explanations of social inequalities in health that includes the younger generation may increase our understanding of why these inequalities persist across the life course.

Causal effect of education on mortality in a quasi-experiment on 1.2 million Swedes.

In 1949-1962, Sweden implemented a 1-y increase in compulsory schooling as a quasi-experiment. Each year, children in a number of municipalities were exposed to the reform and others were kept as controls, allowing us to test the hypothesis that education is causally related to mortality. We studied all children born between 1943 and 1955, in 900 Swedish municipalities, with control for birth-cohort and area differences. Primary outcome measures are all-cause and cause-specific mortality until the end of 2007. The analyses include 1,247,867 individuals, of whom 92,351 died. We found lower all-cause mortality risk in the experimental group after age 40 [hazard ratio (HR) = 0.96, 95% confidence interval (CI) 0.93-0.99] but not before (HR = 1.03, 95% CI 0.98-1.07) or during the whole follow-up (HR = 0.98, 95% CI 0.95-1.01). After age 40, the experimental group had lower mortality from overall cancer, lung cancer, and accidents. In addition, exposed women had lower mortality from ischemic heart disease, and exposed men lower mortality from overall external causes. In analyses stratified for final educational level, we found lower mortality in the experimental group within the strata that settled for compulsory schooling only (HR = 0.94, 95% CI 0.89-0.99) and compulsory schooling plus vocational training (HR = 0.92, 95% CI 0.88-0.97). Thus, the experimental group had lower mortality from causes known to be related to education. Lower mortality in the experimental group was also found among the least educated, a group that clearly benefited from the reform in terms of educational length. However, all estimates are small and there was no evident impact of the reform on all-cause mortality in all ages.

Social class and cause of death.

BACKGROUND: Previous studies have shown that causes of death differ in their relationship to social class, but we lack a more comprehensive description of this variation. The present study provides a detailed and extensive list of social class differences for a large number of specific causes of death. METHODS: All deaths between 1991 and 2003 in Sweden were linked with information on household social class from 1990. Relative death risks and excess mortality in groups of causes according to the European shortlist were estimated separately for men and women in eight classes using Cox Regression. RESULTS: A clear mortality gradient among employees was found for the majority of causes, from low-relative death risks among higher managerial and professional occupations to relatively high risks for the unskilled working class. There is considerable variation in the strength of the association, from causes such as malignant melanoma, breast cancer and transport accidents among women, where no clear class differences were found. At the other extreme, mental and behavioural disorders, endocrine, nutritional and metabolic diseases and diseases of the respiratory system all show steep slopes for both men and women. Circulatory diseases and cancer together account for 15-20% of excess mortality. CONCLUSIONS: Exceptions to the general pattern--causes of death in which higher social classes are exposed to greater death risks or in which there is no mortality gradient--are practically non-existent. There is nevertheless significant variation in the strength of the class differences in specific causes.