Bridging the Knowledge Gap: A Toolkit on Reproductive Rights for Pediatric Surgeons in the Post-Dobbs Era.

BACKGROUND: The ripple effect of the Supreme Court ruling in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization has impacted physicians and patients across numerous medical specialties. In pediatric surgery, the patient population ranges from fetus to the pregnant patient. There is a gap in the knowledge of pediatric surgeons regarding abortion laws and access. This project aims to bridge the gap by creating access to reliable resources which may be used to optimize patient care and support physicians. METHODS: We collaborated with the Reproductive Health Coalition, co-founded by the American Medical Women's Association and Doctors for America, to curate a list of resources beneficial to pediatric surgeons. RESULTS: We created a web-based toolkit with the purpose of providing easily accessible and reliable information on reproductive rights in the United States. We identified up-to-date resources on state-by-state abortion laws, legal resources, patient-centered information on obtaining abortion care, and resources for physicians interested in getting involved in advocacy. CONCLUSION: Pediatric surgery rests at a critical juncture with respect to reproductive rights in the United States. Our toolkit enables users to understand the current climate and identify next steps to advocate for patients and physicians amidst a formidable legal environment. LEVEL OF EVIDENCE: Level V.

Navigating the Impact of the Dobbs Decision: Perspectives from Pediatric Surgeons on Reproductive Healthcare.

Nationwide abortion restrictions resulting from the Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization (2022) decision have generated confusion and uncertainty among healthcare professionals, with concerns for liability impacting clinical decision-making and outcomes. The impact on pediatric surgery can be seen in prenatal counseling for fetal anomaly cases, counseling for fetal intervention, and recommendations for pregnant children and adolescents who seek termination. It is essential that all physicians and healthcare team members understand the legal implications on their clinical practices, engage with resources and organizations that can help navigate these circumstances, and consider advocating for patients and themselves. Pediatric surgeons must consider the impact of these changing laws on their ability to provide comprehensive and ethical care and counseling to all patients.

Treating Cancer in Pregnant Patients After Roe v Wade Overturned.

This medical news feature discusses the challenges of treating pregnant patients diagnosed with cancer following the reversal of Roe v Wade.

Prevalencia y características de objetores de conciencia a la Ley 21. 030 en instituciones públicas / Prevalence and characteristics of conscientious objectors to Law 21. 030 in public institutions

INTRODUCCIÓN: La Ley 21.030 permite la objeción de conciencia al personal de salud al interior del pabellón y a las instituciones privadas. Ha sido considerada conflicto de intereses no monetario, al anteponer los valores personales, afectando el cumplimiento del deber profesional. OBJETIVOS: Establecer la prevalencia de funcionarios/as objetores/as en los hospitales de la red pública del país y caracterizarles según edad, género y nacionalidad. MÉTODO: Estudio cuantitativo, analítico y transversal. Se utilizaron medidas de tendencia central y dispersión. Para medir la asociación entre variables sociodemográficas, profesión y causal objetada, se utilizaron las pruebas de χ2, exacta de Fisher y de Kruskal-Wallis. RESULTADOS: En 57 hospitales, se observa una mayor frecuencia de objetores en causal 3. En 443 objetores, la mediana de edad fue de 43 años, el 64,8% mujeres y el 87,4% de nacionalidad chilena. En las zonas centro y sur del país se concentra la mayor proporción de hospitales con más del 50% de objetores. CONCLUSIONES: La dificultad para obtener información impide conocer cabalmente la magnitud de la objeción de conciencia. Resulta preocupante la alta prevalencia de objetores, específicamente en la causal violación. La objeción no puede operar como barrera que vulnere los derechos y la dignidad de las mujeres.

INTRODUCTION: Law 21.030 incorporates conscientious objection for health personnel inside the surgical ward and allows its invocation by private institutions. It has been considered a conflict of interest, not monetary, by putting personal values first, affecting the fulfillment of professional duty. OBJECTIVE: To establish the prevalence of objectors in the countrys public network hospitals and characterize them according to age, gender, and nationality. METHOD: Quantitative, analytical, and cross-sectional study. Central and dispersion trend measures were used. For measuring the association between sociodemographic variables, profession and causal objected, test χ2, Fisher exact and Kruskal-Wallis test were used. RESULTS: In 57 hospitals, a higher frequency of objectors were observed in the third causal. In 443 objectors, the median age was 43 years, 64.8% are women, and 87.4% are Chilean. The central and southern areas of the country have the highest proportion of hospitals, with more than 50% objectors. CONCLUSIONS: The difficulty for obtaining the information prevents fully knowing the magnitude of conscientious objection in Chile. The high prevalence of objectors, specifically in the causal violation is worrying. The conscientious objection cannot operate as a barrier that violates the rights and dignity of women.

Objeção de consciência na dinâmica do atendimento ao aborto legal em Minas Gerais / Conscientious objection to legal abortion in Minas Gerais state

Objetivo: O objetivo do estudo foi verificar a existência da objeção de consciência na atenção integral à saúde das vítimas de violência sexual, bem como conhecer a estrutura de atendimento das instituições credenciadas na rede de atenção à vítima de violência sexual no Estado de Minas Gerais. Métodos: Trata-se de um estudo de campo de caráter quantitativo, transversal, descritivo e analítico, com proposta de coleta de dados das instituições credenciadas ao atendimento às vítimas de violência sexual no estado. O instrumento foi entregue aos(às) coordenadores(a) desses serviços. Resultados: Verificou-se que 11% dos serviços não possuem médicos e 31% não fornecem treinamento para esse tipo de atendimento. Foi revelado que 85% dessas instituições já encontraram pacientes que desejam fazer o aborto legal, mas 83% delas não tiveram seu pedido atendido. Houve 60% da presença de objeção de consciência por parte de toda a equipe médica, sendo o principal motivo religioso (57%). Conclusão: O sistema de assistência no Estado não está preparado para o atendimento integral às vítimas de violência sexual, principalmente no quesito resolução do aborto legal, sendo a objeção de consciência o maior obstáculo. Faz-se necessária uma rede de referência e contrarreferência funcionante para amenizar esse problema tão sério e evidente. Espera-se que o resultado da pesquisa crie espaços de diálogo dentro do Estado que favoreçam ações adequadas sobre o aborto legal e respeitem o profissional médico se houver objeção de consciência.(AU)

Objective: The aim of this study was to verify the existence of conscientious objection to comprehensive health care for the victim of sexual violence, as well as to understand the service structure of institutions authorized in the health care system for victims of sexual violence in the state of Minas Gerais. Methods: This is a quantitative, cross-sectional, descriptive, and analytical field study aiming to collect data from institutions authorized to assist victims of sexual violence in the state. The instrument was handed in to the coordinators of these services. Results: It was found that 11% have no physician in service and that 31% had no training for this type of care. It was revealed that 85% of these institutions have already encountered patients wishing to have a legal abortion, but 83% of them have not had their request granted. There was a 60% presence of conscientious objection by the entire medical team, the main reason being religious (57%). Conclusion: The assistance system is not prepared for comprehensive care for victims of sexual violence, especially in terms of legal abortions, with conscientious objection being the main obstacle. A functional referral and counter-referral system is needed to alleviate such a serious and evident problem. It is hoped that the research results will promote dialogues in the state that favor appropriate actions on legal abortion, and respect the medical professional, in case of conscientious objection.(AU)

La mano que vota. Visualidad y afectos en un símbolo transnacional del movimiento por el derecho al aborto en el Cono Sur / A mão que vota. Visualidade e afetos em um símbolo transnacional do movimento pelo direito ao aborto no Cone Sul / The voting hand. Visuality and affect in a transnational symbol of abortion rights movement in Latin America´s Southern Cone

Resumen Este artículo presenta un estudio sobre el primer símbolo transnacional del movimiento por el derecho al aborto en el Cono Sur: la "mano que vota" a favor del aborto legal. El emblema surge en Uruguay a comienzos de la década del 2000. Alrededor de 2010, el símbolo viró al color verde y fue adoptado por la Campaña Nacional por el Derecho al Aborto Legal, Seguro y Gratuito en Argentina. A partir de 2015, la mano que vota también acompañó el proceso que llevó a la legalización del aborto en tres causales en Chile. El análisis focaliza sobre rol de los símbolos y de los afectos en el activismo por el derecho al aborto. La mano que vota fue central para la construcción de identidad colectiva y sintonía política del movimiento. También este emblema logró imantar esperanzas asociadas con la democracia y un profundo sentido de la obstinación política. Los resultados se basan en el trabajo con diversos archivos y en conversaciones con informantes clave de Argentina, Chile y Uruguay.

Resumo Este artigo apresenta um estudo sobre o primeiro símbolo transnacional do movimento pelo direito ao aborto no Cone Sul: a "mão que vota" a favor do aborto legal. O emblema surgiu no Uruguai no início dos anos 2000. Por volta de 2010, o símbolo ficou verde e foi adotado pela Campanha Nacional pelo Direito ao Aborto Legal, Seguro e Gratuito na Argentina. A partir de 2015, a mão que vota também acompanhou o processo que levou à legalização do aborto em três casos no Chile. A análise enfoca o papel dos símbolos e emoções no ativismo pelo direito ao aborto. A mão que vota foi fundamental para a construção da identidade coletiva e sintonia política do movimento. Este emblema também conseguiu magnetizar esperanças associadas à democracia e um profundo senso de obstinação política. Os resultados são baseados em investigação em vários arquivos e conversas com informantes-chave da Argentina, Chile e Uruguai.

Abstract This article presents a study on the first transnational symbol of the movement for abortion rights in Latin America's Southern Cone: the "voting hand" for legal abortion. The emblem emerged in Uruguay at the beginning of the 2000s. Around 2010, the symbol turned green and was adopted by the National Campaign for the Right to Legal, Safe and Free Abortion in Argentina. As of 2015, the voting hand also accompanied the process that led to the legalization of abortion on three cases in Chile. The analysis focuses on the role of symbols and affects in the activism for abortion rights. The voting hand was central for the construction of a collective identity and political sintony in the movement. This emblem also magnetized hopes associated with democracy and a deep sense of political willfulness. Results are based in documentary research in various archives and in conversations with key informants from Argentina, Chile and Uruguay.

"A Revolution in Favor of Reproduction"? Gynecology and Obstetrics in the "Third Reich".

During the "Third Reich," the majority of German gynecologists and obstetricians did not hesitate to put themselves at the service of those in power. In 1933, many gynecologists initially only focused on the fact that the biopolitical objectives of the National Socialists matched their own long-standing demands for population policy measures and the early detection and prevention of cancer. In addition, cooperating with the Nazis promised the political advancement of the profession, personal advantages, and the honorary title of Volksgesundheitsführer (national health leaders). As a result, gynecologists exchanged resources with the regime and thus contributed significantly to the implementation of the criminal racial policies of the Nazis. At the congresses of the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Gynäkologie (German Society of Gynecology) "non-Aryan" members, mostly of Jewish descent, were excluded, the law on forced sterilization of 1933 (Gesetz zur Verhütung erbkranken Nachwuchses/Law for the Prevention of Offspring with Hereditary Diseases) was scientifically legitimized, its implementation was propagated, and relevant surgical techniques were discussed with regard to their "certainty of success." In the course of these forced sterilizations, existing pregnancies were also terminated and the victims were misused for illegal scientific examinations or experiments. Drawing upon racial and utilitarian considerations, gynecologists did not even shy away from carrying out late abortions on forced laborers from the East during the Second World War, which were strictly prohibited even under the laws of the time. Some gynecologists carried out cruel experiments on humans in concentration camps, which primarily served their own careers and the biopolitical goals of those in power. The few times gynecologists did protest or resist was when the very interests of their profession seemed threatened, as in the dispute over home births and the rights of midwives. Social gynecological initiatives from the Weimar Republic, which were mainly supported and carried out by gynecologists persecuted for their Jewish descent since 1933, were either converted into National Socialist "education programs" or simply came to an end due to the exclusion of their initiators. German gynecologists had hoped for a large-scale promotion of the early detection of malignant diseases of the uterus and breasts, to which they had already made important contributions since the beginning of the 20th century. But even though the fight against cancer was allegedly one of the priorities of the Nazis, no comprehensive measures were taken. Still, a few locally limited initiatives to this end proved to be successful until well into the Second World War. In addition, German gynecologists established the modern concept of prenatal care and continued to advance endocrinological research and sterility therapy. After the end of the Nazi dictatorship, the historical guilt piled up during this period was suppressed and denied for decades. Its revision and processing only began in the 1990s.

O debate sobre aborto na câmara de deputados no Brasil entre 2015 e 2017: Agenda conservadora e resistência / El debate sobre el aborto en la Cámara de Diputados en Brasil entre 2015 y 2017: agenda conservadora y resistencia / The abortion debate at the Chamber of Deputies in Brazil, 2015 to 2017: conservative agenda and resistance

Resumo O artigo aborda o debate público sobre aborto no Brasil a partir de investigação documental realizada na Câmara de Deputados no Brasil nos anos de 2015 a 2017. Fez-se o levantamento de discursos e de proposições legislativas no portal da Câmara de Deputados. A pesquisa considera as posições acerca do aborto e o tipo de argumentação usada como fundamento. Também se examina o perfil dos deputados quanto a partido político e a pertencimento religioso. Foram identificados argumentos de caráter religioso, legal e científico ou naturalizante nos documentos analisados. Os principais tópicos de debate foram consequências da epidemia de Zika, além de duas ações no Supremo Tribunal Federal pleiteando a descriminalização do aborto, uma em caso de infecção por Zika, outra até a décima segunda semana de gestação. Constata-se o engajamento de atores religiosos, defensores do direito à vida, na restrição ao aborto legal.

Resumen El artículo aborda el debate público sobre el aborto en Brasil a partir de la investigación documental realizada en la Cámara de Diputados en Brasil de 2015 a 2017. Se realizó la encuesta de discursos y propuestas legislativas en el portal de la Cámara de Diputados. La investigación considera las posiciones sobre el aborto y el tipo de argumento utilizado como base. También examina el perfil de los diputados con respecto al partido político y la pertenencia religiosa. Se identificaron argumentos religiosos, legales y científicos o de naturalización en los documentos analizados. Los principales temas de debate fueron las consecuencias de la epidemia de Zika, así como dos acciones en la Corte Suprema Federal que pedían la despenalización del aborto en caso de infección por Zika, otra hasta la duodécima semana de embarazo. Existe la participación de actores religiosos, defensores del derecho a la vida, en la restricción del aborto legal.

Abstract This article will address public debate on abortion in Brazil, based on document research on the proceedings of Chamber of Deputies from 2015 to 2017. The research retrieved speeches and bills from the Chamber's web portal. I analyze stands regarding abortion and the type of arguments used as basis for the debate. I also examine representatives' profiles in terms of political party and religion. Different types or arguments were found: religious, legal, scientific or naturalizing. The main topics of debate were: consequences of Zika outbreak and two actions in Supreme Court, one claiming decriminalization in case of Zika, the other up to the 12th week pregnancy. Religious actors are the most engaged for right to life, trying to restrict legal abortion.

Retrospective analysis of indications for termination of pregnancy.

This is a retrospective study of 139 termination of pregnancies (TOPs) between November 2015 and November 2017 to demonstrate the indications. We have shown that 60.4%, 34.5% and 5% of the terminations were performed because of genetic disorders, foetal or obstetrical problems, and maternal causes, respectively. Congenital abnormalities (43.8%), anhydramniosis (17.2%) and chromosomal abnormalities (15.1%) were the most frequent causes of the TOPs. The central nervous system seemed to be the most frequent indicator found in our study. The critical finding is the presence of nine (6.4%) terminations because of foetal reasons beyond the 24th gestational week. A vaginal termination occurred in 91.4% of cases, whereas a hysterotomy was performed in 8.6% of the cases. Previous uterine surgery was the most significant risk factor for a hysterotomy. Knowing the foetal indications is essential to know the aetiological and medico-legal backgrounds of the TOPs for better planning and medical counselling. Impact statement What is already known on this subject? Congenital anomalies are most common cause of termination of wanted pregnancies. Terminations beyond 24 weeks are also evaluated as unethical and create an ethical concern. The legal limitations differ between countries in terms of the legal limit in pregnancy for terminations. What do the results of this study add? We have demonstrated the congenital anomalies are the most common reason for pregnancy terminations after excluding fetal demise and unwanted pregnancies. We also showed that congenital anomalies and chromosomal abnormalities are most common indications for terminations of pregnancies beyond 24 weeks. The legal arrangements related to the termination of pregnancies in Turkey are described. Prior uterine surgery is a significant risk factor for hysterotomies in the termination of pregnancies. What are the implications of these findings for clinical practice and/or further research? It is critical to know the aetiological background of termination of pregnancies for better planning and consultation.

Aspectos bioéticos y jurídicos del acompañamiento en la ley chilena de interrupción voluntaria del embarazo en tres causales / Bioethical and legal aspects of abortion counseling under Chilean law / Aspectos bioéticos e jurídicos do acompanhamento da lei chilena de interrupção voluntária da gravidez em três causas

La ley que regula la despenalización de la interrupción voluntaria del embarazo en tres causales contempla un programa de acompañamiento que garantiza el derecho a la autonomía de la paciente. En la práctica, sin embargo, no todos los modelos de acompañamiento que se ofrecen en Chile cumplen con este estándar normativo. El artículo analiza el acompañamiento desde las perspectivas jurídicas y bioética, y explora las características que debiera tener un programa de acompañamiento respetuoso de la autonomía de la mujer embarazada. El texto concluye afirmando que el profesional de salud que ofrece acompañamiento debe involucrarse en un diálogo respetuoso y genuino con la paciente, proveer información adecuada, abstenerse de imponer su propia interpretación sobre la experiencia de la mujer, apoyarla en su deliberación y asumir que las preferencias y valores de la mujer deben guiar el proceso de toma de decisiones. Los programas que no cumplen con estos estándares pueden estar infringiendo obligaciones legales.

The Chilean statute decriminalizing abortion under three specific grounds provides for a counseling program which guarantees patient's autonomy. However, the reality is that not all counseling programs that are offered in Chile comply with this normative standard. The article analyzes abortion counseling from a legal and bioethical perspective, and examines the features of a counseling program respectful of the pregnant woman's autonomy. The text concludes stating that the health care professional that offers support he/she should be involved in a respectful and genuine dialogue with the patient, provide adequate information, refraining from imposing his/her own interpretation about the experience of the woman, support her in deliberating and assume that her preferences and values must guide the process of decision making. The programs which do not fulfill these standards may be contravening legal obligations.

A lei que regula a descriminalização da interrupção voluntária de gravidez em três causal inclui um programa de acompanhamento que garante o direito à autonomia do paciente. Na prática, no entanto, nem todos os modelos de acompanhamentos oferecidos no Chile cumprem com esse padrão normativo. O artigo analisa o acompanhamento com base nas perspectivas jurídicas e bioética e explora as características que devem ter um programa de apoio respeitoso da autonomia da mulher grávida. O texto conclui afirmando que o profissional de saúde que fornece acompanhamento deve estabelecer um diálogo genuíno e respeitoso com a paciente, fornecer informações adequadas, abster-se de impor sua própria interpretação sobre a experiência da mulher, apoiá-la em sua deliberação e assumir que as preferências e os valores da mulher devem orientar o processo de tomada de decisão. Os programas que não cumpram com estas normas podem estar infringindo obrigações legais.

La producción del feto como "sujeto de derechos": análisis cualitativo de los discursos médico-católicos en Chile / The production of the fetus as a "subject of rights": qualitative analysis of medical-Catholic discourses in Chile

RESUMEN Se presentan los resultados de una investigación dirigida a identificar y analizar la construcción discursiva del feto como sujeto de derecho por parte de las instituciones médico-religiosas en la discusión sobre la despenalización del aborto en tres causales en Chile, durante el período 2013-2016. Para ello se realizó una triangulación entre un análisis de contenido temático y el análisis de algunas estrategias discursivas propias de la perspectiva del análisis crítico del discurso sobre un corpus textual compuesto por 16 documentos. Se identificaron cuatro ejes de análisis: construcción de hechos, pastoral femenina, gestión biopolítica del cuerpo femenino y tecnologías de intervención. Se concluye que el discurso médico-religioso utiliza una serie de estrategias retóricas y moviliza significados respecto del feto a partir de la hibridación de estrategias retóricas como recursos de factualización, connotación, metáforas y otros que validan creencias metafísicas sobre el cuerpo y la subjetividad de las mujeres y que le permiten hablar con una voz autorizada e irrebatible. Así, la gestión biopolítica de las capacidades reproductivas de las mujeres es una grilla que obtura la posibilidad de incorporar discusiones y posicionamientos éticos vinculados a la ciudadanía y el contrato social.

ABSTRACT This article presents the results of a study aimed at identifying and analyzing the discursive construction of the fetus as a subject of rights on the part of medical-religious institutions in the discussion of the decriminalization of abortion due to three causes in Chile during the 2013-2016 period. To this end, a triangulation was carried out based on an analysis of thematic content and an analysis of certain discursive strategies from the critical discourse analysis perspective using a textual corpus composed of 16 documents. Four analytical themes were identified: factual construction, female pastoral power, biopolitical management of the female body, and intervention technologies. It is concluded that the medical-religious discourse uses a series of rhetorical strategies and mobilizes meanings with respect to the fetus based on the hybridization of rhetorical strategies such as resources of factualization, connotation, metaphor and others that validate metaphysical beliefs about the body and the subjectivity of women and allow for an authoritative and irrefutable voice. Thus, the biopolitical management of women's reproductive capacities constitutes a filter that obstructs the possibility of incorporating discussions and ethical positions linked to citizenship and the social contract.

Escenas claves de la lucha por el derecho al aborto en Argentina / Key arenas in the struggle for abortion rights in Argentina

RESUMEN La enorme movilización por el derecho al aborto legal, que se produjo en 2018 en Argentina, es la coronación de una lucha de muchos años que tuvo sus hitos, como todo movimiento emancipatorio y también sus marchas y contramarchas, pero nunca fue abandonada. En este artículo recorremos algunas de las acciones que jalonaron esa historia, que comienza con las pioneras de los años setenta, para continuar con las luchas después de la recuperación de la democracia, con la Comisión por el Derecho al Aborto; luego con las experiencias de Mujeres Autoconvocadas por el Derecho a Decidir, y la Asamblea por el Derecho al Aborto, hasta llegar a la actual Campaña por el Derecho al Aborto Legal, Seguro y Gratuito, que logró en 2018, que el proyecto de ley que despenaliza y legaliza el aborto llegara al Congreso de la Nación.

ABSTRACT The huge mobilization seen in 2018 around the right to legal abortion in Argentina is the crowning point of a struggle that has been going on for many years, and that like any emancipatory movement has had different milestones as well as victories and setbacks, but that has never been abandoned. This article considers some of the actions that have marked that history, beginning with the pioneering women of the seventies, and continuing with the Commission for the Right to Abortion [Comisión por el Derecho al Aborto] after the restoration of democracy in the 1980s, followed by the experiences of Women Coming Together for the Right to Choose [Mujeres Autoconvocacadas por el Derecho a Decidir], the Assembly for the Right to Abortion [Asamblea por el Derecho al Aborto], and the present Campaign for the Right to Legal, Safe and Free Abortion [Campaña por el Derecho al Aborto Legal, Seguro y Gratuito], which succeeded in getting the bill that decriminalizes and legalizes abortion treated in the National Congress.

¿Salud sexual y salud reproductiva sin libertad?: El conflicto por el aborto en Argentina / Sexual and reproductive health without freedom?: The conflict over abortion in Argentina

RESUMEN El movimiento feminista instaló el conflicto político por el derecho al aborto en 2018 y con él se propone consolidar una transformación en la sustancia de la democracia, -despenalización y legalización- y no solo en su praxis. En este contexto, este artículo se propone describir y valorar el conflicto en democracia sobre la base de las razones y fundamentos del contenido de la disputa, a favor y en contra del aborto, y reseñar las principales disposiciones constitucionales y convencionales que, al regular el aborto, echan luz acerca del universo normativo, del "deber ser", en el que se inscribe como derecho humano. Por último, intentamos explicar cómo se construyó e instrumentó el control político de la soberanía de los cuerpos en un sistema patriarcal, con la legitimidad suficiente y con el poder necesario para perdurar durante siglos. Si bien no existen obstáculos jurídicos para la despenalización y la legalización del aborto, ¿por qué los intereses de libertad de las mujeres no están plenamente habilitados en todos sus derechos, entre ellos, en los derechos sociales de salud? o ¿qué otros intereses, que no sean los propios, representan esa libertad?

ABSTRACT The feminist movement installed a political debate regarding the right to abortion in 2018, proposing a transformation not only in the praxis of democracy, but also in its substance, through the decriminalization and legalization of abortion. In this context, this article seeks to describe and evaluate the democratic conflict produced based on the reasons and justifications underpinning the disputed content, in favor and against abortion. It also seeks to summarize the principal constitutional and conventional rulings that, by regulating abortion, shed light on the normative universe of what ought to be, in which human rights are inscribed. Lastly, the article attempts to explain how political control over body sovereignty was constructed and implemented in a patriarchal system, with sufficient legitimacy and power to last for centuries. Although there are no legal obstacles to the decriminalization and legalization of abortion, why is that the interests of freedom for women are not fully enabled within their array of rights, including the social right to health? What other interests, other than those of women, does this freedom represent?

Las jóvenes: entre la "marea verde" y la decisión de abortar / Young women: between the "green tide" and the decision to have an abortion

RESUMEN Este trabajo analiza las características, argumentos y condiciones de posibilidad que presentan los activismos de género, desplegados en los últimos años por las mujeres jóvenes en Argentina, con especial atención en la marca generacional que imprimen a las demandas y luchas colectivas por el aborto legal, seguro y gratuito. Se reconstruyen algunas de las circunstancias sociales y personales que están en la base de la motivación o decisión de un conjunto de chicas a abortar con misoprostol, con el propósito de explorar, en concreto, las redes de apoyo y la información que circula entre esas jóvenes con relación a la práctica de aborto medicamentoso, en tiempos en los que el acceso a este derecho no ha podido ser aún consagrado legalmente en el país. Nos interesa poner en diálogo esas realidades con el contexto más amplio del protagonismo juvenil femenino en estos reclamos, condensado en la expresión "marea verde" y en la idea de una "batalla cultural" socialmente ya ganada.

ABSTRACT The work analyzes the characteristics, arguments and conditions of possibility present in the gender activisms carried out in recent years by young women in Argentina, with special attention paid to the generational mark they imprint onto the collective demands and struggles for legal, safe and free abortion. The article reconstructs some of the social and personal circumstances at the base of the motivation or the decision of a group of young women to carry out an abortion with misoprostol, with the purpose of exploring concretely the support networks and the information circulating among these young women in relation to the practice of medical abortion, at a time in which access to this right has not yet been legally instituted in the country. We are interested in putting these realities in dialogue with a broader context of female youth prominence in these demands, condensed in the expression "green tide" and in the idea of a "cultural battle" that has already been won socially.

Configuraciones de la laicidad en los debates por la legalización del aborto en la Argentina: discursos parlamentarios y feministas (2015-2018) / Configurations of secularism in debates about the legalization of abortion in Argentina: parliamentary and feminist discourses (2015-2018)

RESUMEN Este artículo indaga en las configuraciones de laicidad presentes en el debate parlamentario sobre el proyecto de interrupción voluntaria del embarazo en 2018 y en algunos espacios específicos del activismo feminista en los que se discute y promueve la laicidad, relevados entre 2015 y 2018. A partir del análisis de las versiones taquigráficas de los discursos de diputados/as y senadores/as, y las observaciones participantes en encuentros de mujeres y/o feministas, analizamos las ideas que emergen sobre la relación entre Estado, iglesias, religiones, espiritualidades y democracia cuando se discuten y/o promueven derechos sexuales y reproductivos. Los resultados permiten confirmar la hipótesis sobre la profundización de la presencia del discurso de la laicidad en ambas Cámaras durante 2018, con diferentes definiciones e intensidades, y la ampliación de los apoyos a las campañas ya existentes por el Estado laico en los espacios feministas; y, en paralelo, la problematización de una identidad feminista, religiosa y/o espiritual confluyente.

ABSTRACT This article explores the configurations of secularism present in the parliamentary debate on the voluntary termination of pregnancy bill in 2018, and in some specific areas of feminist activism in which secularism is discussed and promoted, collected in the period between 2015 and 2018. Based on the official transcriptions of the speeches of deputies and senators during the debates as well as participant observation in national and regional women's and feminist gatherings, we analyze the ideas that emerge in relation to the State, churches, religions, spiritualities and democracy when sexual and reproductive rights are discussed. The results confirm our hypothesis regarding the expansion of the discourse on secularism in both Chambers during 2018, with different definitions and intensities, as well as the amplification of support for existing feminist campaigns for a secular State and, in parallel, new problematizations regarding the confluence of a feminist identity with religious and/or spiritual identity.