Health Care Lobbying and Oncology.

BACKGROUND: The health care industry spends more on lobbying than any other industry, with more than $700 million spent in 2022. However, health care lobbying related to cancer has not been characterized. In this study, we sought to describe overall health sector lobbying spending and oncology-related lobbying spending across patient and clinician organizations. METHODS: We obtained lobbying data from OpenSecrets.org and the Federal Election Commission. Overall health sector lobbying spending was categorized by OpenSecrets into 4 groups: pharmaceuticals/health products, health services/health maintenance organizations (HMOs), hospitals/nursing homes, and health professionals. We then identified and categorized 4 oncology-related lobbying groups: oncology physician professional organizations (OPPOs), prospective payment system (PPS)-exempt cancer hospitals, patient advocacy organizations, and provider networks (eg, US Oncology Network). We described temporal trends in lobbying spending from 2014 to 2022, in both overall dollar value (inflation-adjusted 2023 dollars) and in per-physician spending (using American Association of Medical Colleges [AAMC] data for number of hematologists/oncologists) using a Mann-Kendall trend test. RESULTS: Among the overall health sector lobbying, pharmaceuticals/health products had the greatest increase in lobbying spending, with an increase from $294 million in 2014 to >$376 million in 2022 (P=.0006). In contrast, lobbying spending by health professionals did not change, remaining at $96 million (P=.35). Regarding oncology-related lobbying, OPPOs and PPS-exempt cancer hospitals had a significant increase of 170% (P=.016) and 62% (P=.009), respectively. Per-physician spending also demonstrated an increase from $60 to $134 for OPPOs and from $168 to $226 for PPS-exempt cancer hospitals. Overall, OPPO lobbying increased as a percentage of overall physician lobbying from 1.16% in 2014 to 3.76% in 2022. CONCLUSIONS: Although overall health sector lobbying has increased, physician/health professional lobbying has remained relatively stable in recent years, spending for lobbying by OPPOs has increased. Continued efforts to understand the utility and value of lobbying in health care and across oncology are needed as the costs of care continue to increase.

Mapping the Lobbying Footprint of Harmful Industries: 23 Years of Data From OpenSecrets.

Policy Points Our research reveals the similarities and differences among the lobbying activities of tobacco, alcohol, gambling, and ultraprocessed food industries, which are often a barrier to the implementation of public health policies. Over 23 years, we found that just six organizations dominated lobbying expenses in the tobacco and alcohol sectors, whereas the gambling sector outsourced most of their lobbying to professional firms. Databases like OpenSecrets are a useful resource to monitor the commercial determinants of health. CONTEXT: Commercial lobbying is often a barrier to the development and implementation of public health policies. Yet, little is known about the similarities and differences in the lobbying practices of different industry sectors or types of commercial actors. This study compares the lobbying practices of four industry sectors that have been the focus of much public health research and advocacy: tobacco, alcohol, gambling, and ultraprocessed foods. METHODS: Data on lobbying expenditures and lobbyist backgrounds were sourced from the OpenSecrets database, which monitors lobbying in the United States. Lobbying expenditure data were analyzed for the 1998-2020 period. We classified commercial actors as companies or trade associations. We used Power BI software to link, analyze, and visualize data sets. FINDINGS: We found that the ultraprocessed food industry spent the most on lobbying ($1.15 billion), followed by gambling ($817 million), tobacco ($755 million), and alcohol ($541 million). Overall, companies were more active than trade associations, with associations being least active in the tobacco industry. Spending was often highly concentrated, with two organizations accounting for almost 60% of tobacco spending and four organizations accounting for more than half of alcohol spending. Lobbyists that had formerly worked in government were mainly employed by third-party lobby firms. CONCLUSIONS: Our study shows how comparing the lobbying practices of different industry sectors offers a deeper appreciation of the diversity and similarities of commercial actors. Understanding these patterns can help public health actors to develop effective counterstrategies.

Addressing the influence of the alcohol industry in Aotearoa New Zealand.

Alcohol legislation in Aotearoa New Zealand has not been sufficient to minimise the harm and inequities caused by alcohol use, and a comprehensive review of alcohol policies has been postponed. Because of the alcohol industry's vested interests, the World Health Organization notes that industry involvement in public health policy has potential risks that should be minimised. Here we illustrate the significant extent of alcohol industry penetration in Aotearoa and how such influence undermines equity by amplifying the harms of colonisation. The government lacks policies that limit interactions with the alcohol industry, such as political donations and lobbying. We recommend what can be done to limit alcohol industry influence in policymaking, including using experiences in tobacco control to manage conflicts of interest, strengthening rules over political donations and lobbying, enhancing transparency of interactions, promoting non-collaboration with the alcohol industry and advocating for alcohol policies that give effect to Te Tiriti o Waitangi.

How tobacco companies use the revolving door between government and industry to influence policymaking: an Australian case study.

Objectives and importance of the study: The study investigates and documents how tobacco companies are using the revolving door between government and industry as a tactic to try to influence public health policymaking in Australia. This is the first Australian study to systematically investigate the revolving door tactic in tobacco lobbying and highlights the importance of strengthening integrity and transparency legislation and oversight bodies to eliminate the political influence of tobacco companies in Australia. STUDY TYPE: Mixed-methods including non-experimental descriptive and exploratory case studies. METHODS: To build a picture of tobacco lobbying through the revolving door in Australia, data was triangulated from multiple publicly available sources: 1) Australian federal, state and territory government lobbyist registers, 2) the online social networking platform, LinkedIn; and 3) Australian news media reports. RESULTS: Tobacco companies lobby the Australian government using 'in-house' employees, lobbyists working in firms acting on their behalf, and third-party allies with common interests. Almost half (48%) of internal tobacco company lobbyists had held positions in the Australian government (state, territory and/or federal) before or after working in the tobacco industry. Likewise, 55% of lobbyists acting on behalf of tobacco companies had held government positions before or after working as a lobbyist. In-house tobacco industry lobbyists, as well as those working on behalf of tobacco companies within lobbying firms, were found to have held senior governmental positions, such as a Member of Parliament (MP) or Senator, chief or deputy chief of staff, or senior advisor in a ministerial office, and many had moved into or out of government within 1 year of working for a tobacco company (56%) or as a lobbyist (48%). CONCLUSIONS: Tobacco companies are strategically using the revolving door between the government and the tobacco industry as a key political lobbying mechanism to try to influence public health policy in Australia.

A proposal for systematic monitoring of the commercial determinants of health: a pilot study assessing the feasibility of monitoring lobbying and political donations in Australia.

BACKGROUND: The commercial determinants of health include a range of practices to promote business interests, often at the expense of public health. Corporate political practices, such as lobbying and campaign donations, are used to influence policy makers and foster a political and regulatory environment conducive to business interests. Despite recognition of their public health importance, thus far there are relatively few efforts to systematically monitor commercial political practices. METHODS: A pilot study was conducted to explore the feasibility of systematically monitoring two political practices - lobbying and political contributions - for 'harmful industries' (alcohol, gambling, ultra-processed food and tobacco industries) in Australia. Potential data sources were reviewed to compare data availability and detail. Two publicly available datasets were selected for the pilot: ministerial diaries for New South Wales and annual donor filings from the Australian Electoral Commission. Google Data Studio was used to analyse and visualise findings.  RESULTS: The pilot study resulted in the creation of several interactive charts and dashboards that supported analysis and interrogation of the data. These charts helped to easily convey the volume of lobbying and political donations, as well as changes over time. For example, we found that between July 2014 and December 2020, NSW ministers had 20,607 meetings, of which 634 meetings were with harmful industries. And between 1998 and 2020, a total of $576,519,472 disclosed donations were made to political parties and other entities, of which $35,823,937 were from harmful industries. CONCLUSIONS: Opportunities to develop a program to monitor commercial political practices face several challenges including access barriers arising from poor availability and detail of data, technical barriers arising from the format of data disclosures and coding challenges arising from the diverse nature of the commercial sector. Despite these challenges, our pilot study demonstrates the potential to implement a monitoring program and to expand its scope to other commercial determinants of health.

Ideologia, confiança institucional e representações sociais de universitários sobre o cenário político brasileiro de 2016-2017 / Ideology, institutional trust, and social representation of university students about the brazilian political scenery from 2016-2017 / Ideología, confianza institucional y representaciones sociales de universitarios sobre el escenario político brasileño de 2016-2017

O objetivo deste estudo foi testar um modelo teórico-explicativo para as representações sociais sobre o cenário sociopolítico brasileiro de 2017, de acordo com as seguintes relações: as representações seriam influenciadas diretamente pela confiança nas instituições, e essa confiança, determinada pelas simpatias ideológicas. Participaram 164 estudantes universitários - cuja idade média era 24 anos - que responderam a escalas intervalares. Realizaram-se modelagens de equações estruturais para testar o modelo teórico proposto. Os resultados indicaram: adequabilidade do modelo; dois grupos de variáveis apresentando relações positivas entre as variáveis do mesmo grupo e negativas na comparação intergrupos. No primeiro grupo constaram as variáveis: ideias-força de esquerda, confiança nos movimentos sociais, avaliação do governo Dilma e avaliação das políticas de esquerda; no segundo: ideias-força de direita, confiança nas instituições de controle, confiança na mídia, avaliação do governo Temer e avaliação das políticas de esquerda. Concluiu-se que a confiança institucional e a simpatia ideológica ancoravam as representações sociais do cenário brasileiro na população universitária estudada.(AU)

The aim of this study was to test an explanatory theoretical model about the social representations about Brazilian social-political scenario in 2017, based on the following relations: representations were directly influenced by the trust in institutions, and this trust, determined by ideological sympathies. A sample of 164 college students - whose average age was 24 years - answered interval scales. We performed structural equation modeling to test the proposed model. The results indicated: the suitability of the model; two groups of variables presenting positive relations in the in-group comparison and negative relations in the comparisons between groups. The first group showed the variables: Leftist ideas-forces, trust in social movements, evaluation of Dilma's administration, and evaluation of Leftist policies; the second: Rightist ideas-forces, trust in control institutions, trust in the media, evaluation of Temer's administration, and evaluation of Leftist policies. In conclusion, the institutional trust and ideological sympathies anchored the social representations of the Brazilian scenery for the studied university population.(AU)

Este estudio tuvo como objetivo probar un modelo teórico explicativo de las representaciones sociales en el escenario sociopolítico brasileño de 2017 según las siguientes relaciones: las representaciones estarían directamente influenciadas por la confianza en las instituciones, y esta confianza, determinada por las simpatías ideológicas. Participaron en este estudio 164 estudiantes universitarios, con edad media de 24 años, quienes respondieron a escalas intervalares. Se llevaron a cabo modelos de ecuaciones estructurales para probar el modelo teórico propuesto. Los resultados indicaron: adecuación del modelo; dos grupos de variables que presentaban relaciones positivas entre las variables del mismo grupo y negativas en la comparación intergrupal. El primer grupo incluía las variables: ideas-fuerza de la izquierda, confianza en los movimientos sociales, evaluación del gobierno de Dilma y evaluación de las políticas de la izquierda; el segundo: ideas-fuerza de la derecha, confianza en las instituciones de control, confianza en los medios de comunicación, evaluación del gobierno Temer y evaluación de las políticas de la izquierda. Se concluyó que la confianza institucional y la simpatía ideológica funcionaron como fundamentos de las representaciones sociales del escenario político brasileño en la población universitaria estudiada.(AU)

(In)tolerância como política: os discursos de direita e de esquerda no facebook / (In)tolerance as policy: the rightist and leftist discourses on facebook / (In)tolerancia como política: los discursos de la derecha y la izquierda en facebook

Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar traços da mentalidade potencialmente autoritária a partir do discurso de usuários do Facebook vinculados a páginas de cunho político autodeclarado de direita e de esquerda no Brasil. A Netnografia é utilizada como aporte metodológico para imersão on-line nas páginas "Eu era Direita e não sabia" e "Jovens de Esquerda", selecionadas por meio do Facebook Audience Insights, ferramenta disponibilizada pelo Facebook. Delas, foram extraídas oito postagens com maior engajamento (número de comentários, curtidas e compartilhamentos), identificadas pelo Netvizz. Foram coletados 3.489 comentários, os quais foram organizados em um corpus textual submetido ao software IRAMUTEQ e analisados sob a perspectiva da análise crítica imanente da teoria crítica. Como resultado, apresenta-se a forma como o pensamento autoritário se manifesta na racionalização da sociedade contemporânea e nas práticas discursivas em redes sociais on-line, enraizada no âmbito sociopolítico brasileiro, ameaçando o processo democrático e a construção de uma sociedade plural e liberta.(AU)

This study aims to analyze traits of the potentially authoritarian mentality from the speech of Facebook users linked to political pages self-declared as rightist and leftist in Brazil. Netnography is used as a methodological contribution for online immersion in the pages "Eu era Direita e não sabia" and "Jovens de Esquerda" selected via Facebook Audience Insights, a tool provided by Facebook. From these, eight posts with greater engagement (number of comments, likes and shares), identified by Netvizz, were extracted. We collected 3,489 comments, which were organized in a textual corpus submitted to IRAMUTEQ software and analyzed from the perspective of immanent critical analysis of Critical Theory. As a result, we present the way in which authoritarian thinking manifests itself in the rationalization of contemporary society and in discursive practices in online social networks, rooted in the Brazilian socio-political sphere, threatening the democratic process and the construction of a plural and free society.(AU)

Este estudio tiene como objetivo analizar las huellas de la mentalidad potencialmente autoritaria a partir de los discursos de usuarios en Facebook vinculados a páginas políticas autodeclaradas de derecha y de izquierda en Brasil. La netnografía se utiliza como marco metodológico para la inmersión en línea en las páginas "Eu era Direita e não sabia" y "Jovens de Esquerda", seleccionadas por Facebook Audience Insights, herramienta proporcionada por Facebook. Se extrajeron las ocho publicaciones con mayor compromiso (número de comentarios, gustos y compartidas), identificadas por Netvizz. Se recogieron 3.489 comentarios, los cuales fueron organizados en un corpus textual sometido al software IRAMUTEQ y analizado bajo la perspectiva del análisis crítico inmanente de la teoría crítica. Los resultados presentan la forma en que el pensamiento autoritario se manifiesta en la racionalización de la sociedad contemporánea y en prácticas discursivas en redes sociales en línea, arraigada en el ámbito sociopolítico brasileño, que amenazan el proceso democrático y la construcción de una sociedad plural y liberada.(AU)

Escola sem partido e conservadorismo moral: instrumentalização da religião, sexualidade e gênero / School without party and moral conservatism: the instrumentalization of religion, sexuality and gender / Escuela sin partido y conservadurismo moral: la instrumentalización de la religión, sexualidad y género

Este artigo tem por objetivo identificar e discutir alguns estratagemas psicológicos utilizados por movimentos conservadores e autoritários recentemente difundidos no Brasil - em especial, pelo Movimento Escola sem Partido -, em relação a temas como sexualidade e gênero, que atualmente foram incluídos como essenciais à formação escolar. Com esse propósito, empenhamo-nos em compreender a perspectiva cultural em que se apoiam e o modo como a articulam, ideologicamente, para inviabilizar o debate sobre eles. A partir da análise dos Projetos de Lei 246/2019 e 1859/2015, identificamos estratégias conservadoras que, autoritariamente, deslegitimam sua inclusão na formação escolar. Dentre elas, pareceu-nos urgente investigar a instrumentalização da religião, pois favorece a subordinação da crença religiosa, sobretudo associada ao conservadorismo moral imbricado na tradição cristã brasileira, ao discurso político autoritário. Assim como os movimentos fascistas que, nos Estados Unidos da década de 1930, reivindicavam um ordenamento autoritário e opressor da sociedade por meio do apelo a conteúdos religiosos instrumentalizados para esse fim, atualmente, o discurso religioso também é utilizado como forma de suscitar adesão ao conservadorismo social e político e de justificar preconceitos arraigados. Constatamos que a instrumentalização da religião é uma forma de justificar a permanência de valores conservadores na escola e na sociedade, bem como de reiterar o modelo de família heterossexual monogâmica e a ordem patriarcal. Por meio de estratagemas como esses, os movimentos conservadores e autoritários, articulados em função da negação da diversidade sexual e de gênero, impedem que a escola se constitua como espaço democrático e diverso.(AU)

This paper identifies and discusses the psychological ploys employed by recent conservative and authoritarian movements in Brazil, particularly the School without Party movement, against topics like sexuality and gender, which are currently included as essential to school education. To do so, we sought to understand their cultural basis and how they are ideologically articulated to prevent school debate around these topics. By analyzing Bills 246/2019 and 1859/2015, we identified some conservative strategies that authoritatively delegitimize their inclusion in school education. Chief among them is the instrumentalization of religion, since it favors subordinating religious belief, mainly associated with traditional Christian moral conservatism, to authoritarian political discourse. Similar to the fascist movements in the 1930s United States that claimed an authoritarian and oppressive ordering of society by appealing to religious content, religious speech is currently instrumentalized to encourage social and political conservatism adherence and to justify deep-seated prejudices. Religion instrumentalization is used to justify upholding conservative values at school and in society, as well as to reiterate the monogamous heterosexual family model and patriarchy. Through such ploys, authoritarian and conservative movements, articulated around denying sexual and gender diversity, prevent the school from becoming a democratic and diverse environment.(AU)

Este artículo tiene por objetivo identificar y discutir algunas de las estratagemas psicológicas que utilizan los movimientos conservadores y autoritarios, difundidas recientemente en Brasil, en particular por el Movimiento Escuela sin Partido, con relación a temas como sexualidad y género, que actualmente se incluyeron en la formación escolar. Con este propósito, se pretende comprender la base cultural en la que se han apoyado y cómo la articulan ideológicamente para hacer inviable el debate sobre ellas. A partir de análisis de los Proyectos de Ley 246/2019 y 1859/2015, se identificaron estrategias conservadoras que, autoritariamente, deslegitiman la inclusión de estos temas en la formación escolar. Entre ellas, parece urgente analizar la instrumentalización de la religión, porque favorece la subordinación de la creencia religiosa al discurso político autoritario, sobre todo asociada al conservadurismo moral presente en las vertientes del cristianismo brasileño. Al igual que los movimientos fascistas en los Estados Unidos en los años 1930 que reivindicaban una planificación autoritaria de la sociedad mediante un llamado a contenidos religiosos instrumentalizados, actualmente se utiliza el discurso religioso como forma de promover la adhesión al conservadurismo social y político y de justificar los prejuicios. Se constata que la instrumentalización de la religión es un modo de justificar la permanencia de valores conservadores en la escuela, así como de confirmar el modelo de familia heterosexual monógama y el orden patriarcal. Estos estratagemas que son utilizados por los movimientos conservadores y autoritarios, articulados en función de la negación de la diversidad sexual y de género, impiden que la escuela sea democrática y diversa.(AU)

Ministérios no WhatsApp: gênero, sensorialidades e transformações ético-políticas no cotidiano de mulheres evangélicas / Ministerios en WhatsApp: género, sensorialidades y transformaciones ético-políticas en el cotidiano de mujeres evangélicas / Ministries on WhatsApp: gender, sensorialities and ethical-political transformations in the everyday life of evangelical women

Resumo Diferentes análises sobre a participação política de evangélicas(os) pentecostais no Brasil nos últimos anos têm chamado a atenção para transformações causadas pelos usos de mídias digitais por estes grupos. Em busca de ampliar este debate a partir de elementos que compõem usos cotidianos de grupos de oração no WhatsApp, o objetivo deste artigo é compreender como as disputas engajadas por mulheres pentecostais têm ressignificado suas carreiras pastorais e formado novas coletividades evangélicas. Com a emergência de outros modos de viver as intimidades propiciadas por dispositivos móveis, reflito sobre relações religiosas estabelecidas através de imagens e sons em grupos de WhatsApp, além dos impactos digitais nas dinâmicas de autoridade religiosa feminina e sua expansão transnacional.

Resumen Diferentes análisis sobre la participación política de los evangélicos pentecostales en Brasil en los últimos años han llamado la atención sobre las transformaciones provocadas por el uso de medios digitales por parte de estos grupos. Buscando ampliar este debate a partir de elementos que componen el uso cotidiano de los grupos de oración en WhatsApp, busqué comprender cómo las disputas libradas por las mujeres pentecostales han resignificado sus carreras pastorales y conformado nuevas colectividades evangélicas. Con el surgimiento de otras formas de experimentar las intimidades que brindan los dispositivos móviles, reflexiono sobre las relaciones religiosas que se establecen a través de imágenes y sonidos en los grupos de WhatsApp, además del impacto digital en la dinámica de la autoridad religiosa femenina y su expansión transnacional.

Abstract Recent literature on the political participation of Pentecostal evangelicals in Brazil has drawn attention to the transformations caused by their use of digital media. To broaden this debate, in this article I describe the everyday use of the WhatsApp instant messaging program by prayer groups, shedding light on how disputes engaged by Pentecostal women have re-signified their pastoral careers and formed new evangelical collectivities. With the emergence of other ways of experiencing the intimacy provided by mobile devices, I reflect on religious connections established across images and sounds in WhatsApp groups, in addition to the digital impact on the dynamics of female religious authority and its transnational expansion.

Study protocol: assessing the association between corporate financial influence and implementation of policies to tackle commercial determinants of non-communicable diseases: a cross-sectional analysis of 172 countries.

INTRODUCTION: There are many case studies of corporations that have worked to undermine health policy implementation. It is unclear whether countries that are more exposed to corporate financial influence are systematically less likely to implement robust health policies that target firms' financial interests. We aim to assess the association between corporate financial influence and implementation of WHO-recommended policies to constrain sales, marketing and consumption of tobacco, alcohol and unhealthy foods. METHODS AND ANALYSIS: We will perform a cross-sectional analysis of 172 WHO Member States using national datasets from 2015, 2017 and 2020. We will use random effects generalised least squares regression to test the association between implementation status of 12 WHO-recommended tobacco, alcohol and diet policies, and corporate financial influence, a metric that combines disclosure of campaign donations, public campaign finance, corporate campaign donations, legislature corrupt activities, disclosure by politicians and executive oversight. We will control for GDP per capita, population aged >65 years (%), urbanisation (%), level of democracy, continent, ethno-linguistic fractionalisation, legal origin, UN-defined 'Small Island Developing States' and Muslim population (%) (to capture alcohol policy differences). We will include year dummies to address the possibility of a spurious relationship between the outcome variable and the independent variables of interests. For example, there may be an upward global trend in policy implementation that coincides with an upward global trend in the regulation of lobbying and campaign finance. ETHICS AND DISSEMINATION: As this study uses publicly available data, ethics approval is not required. The authors have no conflicts of interest to declare. Findings will be submitted to a peer-reviewed journal for publication in the academic literature. All data, code and syntax will be made publicly available on GitHub.

Cannabis industry lobbying in the Colorado state legislature in fiscal years 2010-2021.

BACKGROUND: The cannabis industry has an interest in creating a regulatory environment which maximizes profits at the cost of public health, similar to the tobacco, alcohol, and food industries. This study sought to describe the cannabis industry's lobbying activities in the Colorado State Legislature over time. METHODS: This retrospective observational study analyzed publicly available lobbying expenditures data from fiscal years (FY) 2010-2021. Measures included inflation-adjusted monthly lobbying expenditures by funder and lobbyist, origin of funding, and lobbyist descriptions of cannabis industry clients. This dataset was supplemented with business license documentation, legislative histories, and public testimony. RESULTS: The cannabis industry spent over $7 million (inflation adjusted) from FY 2010-2021 to lobby the Colorado legislature on 367 bills. Over $800,000 (11% of total cannabis spending) was from out-of-state clients. In 48% of lobbyist reports lobbyists did not disclose their funder's cannabis affiliation, and cannabis organizations used strategies that may have obscured the true amount and source of funding. Lobbyists and agencies concurrently represented the alcohol, tobacco, and cannabis industries, possibly facilitating inter-industry alliances when interests align. CONCLUSION: The cannabis industry dedicated significant resources towards lobbying the Colorado State Legislature on behalf of policies intended to increase cannabis use. Creating transparency about the relationships between the cannabis industry, related industries, and policymakers is essential to ensure appropriate regulation of cannabis products.

Opportunities and Challenges of Tobacco Control Policy at District Level in Indonesia: A Qualitative Analysis.

INTRODUCTION: Comprehensive tobacco control policies are lacking in Indonesia where smoking prevalence in males is among the highest in the world. This study aims to explore the knowledge, attitude, opportunities and challenges to tobacco control among local stakeholders. METHODS: This is a qualitative study using in-depth interviews. Four study areas included Bengkulu Province, Bengkulu City, Seluma District, and Kaur District. Eighteen participants interviewed were from policymakers, legislators, and civil societies during November-December 2020. Thematic data analysis was used. RESULTS: While knowledge and support of the existing Smoke Free Policy (SFP) were high, that of other policies such as outdoor tobacco advertising (OTA) ban and tobacco product display ban were low. Among others, one opportunity was there is already SFP regulation in each study area, to which such bans can be added. Among others, three major challenges were: (a) lack of enforcement of the existing SFP, (b) lack of national regulation to ban OTA and product display, and (c) counter actions by the tobacco industry. CONCLUSION: The opportunities and challenges identified could be lessons learnt for more comprehensive tobacco control especially by local governments in Indonesia and other countries with similar settings.

Pensamento fanático: 1984/2020 / Phantastic thinking: 1984/2020 / Pensamiento fanático: 1984/2020

O presente trabalho propõe o estudo de alguns aspectos relacionados aos preconceitos e ao pensamento fanático, partindo da descrição do "duplipensar" feita por George Orwell em seu livro 1984. Assim, o trabalho se detém no vértice que estuda esses fenômenos do ponto de vista de distúrbios nos processos de pensamento, destacando a dificuldade em estabelecer causas específicas. A importância dos fatores sócio-culturais é discutida, na medida em que não existimos isoladamente. Da mesma forma, a presença desses fenômenos nas instituições psicanalíticas também é abordada, concluindo com alguns tópicos para futuras discussões sobre o tema (AU)

This work proposes to study some aspects related to prejudices and fanatical thinking, having as a starting point the description of "doublethinking" made by George Orwell in his book 1984. The essay therefore focuses on the authors that study these phenomena from the point of view of abnormalities in the thought processes, highlighting the difficulty in establishing specific causes. The importance of socio-cultural factors is discussed, as we do not exist in isolation. Likewise, the presence of these phenomena in psychoanalytic institutions is also addressed, concluding with some topics for future discussions (AU)

El presente trabajo propone el estudio de algunos aspectos relacionados con los prejuicios y el pensamiento fanático, a partir de la descripción del doblepensar hecha por George Orwell en su libro 1984. Así, el trabajo se detiene en el vértice que estudia estos fenómenos desde el punto de vista de las perturbaciones en los procesos de pensamiento, destacando la dificultad para establecer causas específicas. Se discute la importancia de los factores socioculturales, ya que no existimos de forma aislada. Asimismo, se aborda también la presencia de estos fenómenos en las instituciones psicoanalíticas, concluyendo con algunos temas para futuras discusiones sobre la cuestión (AU)

Policy influence and the legalized cannabis industry: learnings from other addictive consumption industries.

BACKGROUND AND AIM: New Zealand has recently legalized medicinal cannabis and has explored the possibility of legalizing large-scale recreational cannabis supply. In the process, concerns have emerged regarding whether corporations involved in the large-scale production and sale of legalized cannabis will invest in tactics of influence with policymakers and the public. This paper aimed to examine the various ways a legalized cannabis industry could seek to influence governments and the public in the New Zealand reform context. METHOD: Based on the study of industry tactics with alcohol, tobacco and gambling, we applied a three-chain model of industry influence that breaks tactics into the 'public good', 'knowledge' and 'political' chains. RESULTS: Exploratory analysis of the nascent cannabis industry's activity in New Zealand provided signs of industry influence strategies related to all three chains. The medicinal cannabis industry has associated the establishment of a legal cannabis sector with regional economic development and employment, supported lobbying for recreational law reform, funded NGOs involved in lobbying for law reform, established research partnerships with universities, invited ex-politicians on advisory boards, and participated in government public sector partnerships. CONCLUSION: There is emerging evidence that the legal cannabis industry is using strategies to influence the regulatory environment in New Zealand.

State Preemption: An Emerging Threat to Local Sugar-Sweetened Beverage Taxation.

We sought to examine the strategies promoting and countering state preemption of local sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) taxes in the United States. Using Crosbie and Schmidt's tobacco preemption framework, we analyzed key tactics used by the SSB industry to achieve state preemption of local taxes identified in news sources, industry Web sites, government reports, and public documents.Starting in 2017, 4 states rejected and 4 passed laws preempting local SSB taxes. The beverage industry attempted to secure state preemption through front groups and trade associations, lobbying key policymakers, inserting preemptive language into other legislation, and issuing legal threats and challenges. The public health community's response is in the early stages of engaging in media advocacy, educating policymakers, mobilizing national collaboration, and expanding legal networks.State preemption of local SSB taxes is in the early stages but will likely scale up as local tax proposals increase. The public health community has a substantial role in proactively working to prevent preemption concurrent with health policy activity and using additional strategies successfully used in tobacco control to stop preemption diffusion.

Politics, pandemics, and support: the role of political actors in Dutch state aid during COVID-19 / Políticas, pandemias e auxílio do estado: o papel dos atores políticos no auxílio governamental oferecido pelos Países Baixos durante a pandemia da COVID-19 / Políticas, pandemias y apoyo del estado: el papel de los actores políticos en la ayuda gubernamental ofrecida por los Países Bajos durante la pandemia de COVID-19

Abstract How do governments distribute resources across economic sectors during a crisis? And why do some sectors receive more than others? The recent COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the urgency of these questions. In this paper, we explore the extent to which a political economy perspective can help explain the characteristics of sector-specific state aid in the Netherlands, a traditionally corporatist country. While KLM, the biggest player in the Dutch aviation sector, was promised loans worth €3.4 billion, the horeca (hospitality) sector was denied a similar deal. Limited cross-case analysis eliminates purely economic accounts. We employed process-tracing and analyzed hundreds of national media articles to understand the influence of elected leaders, interest groups, and experts. We find that, against the backdrop of economic concerns, vote-seeking behavior by elected leaders as well as the strength and organization of interest groups influenced how much each sector could expect. Meanwhile, policy-seeking behavior helps explain the form that aid took. Our findings highlight the need to consider fiscal support in political economy terms, even during crises, and to explore the composition of state aid, not just its presence or amount.

Resumo Como são distribuídos os recursos de auxílio governamental entre os vários setores econômicos durante uma crise? E por que alguns sectores recebem mais do que outros? A recente pandemia da COVID-19 sublinhou a urgência destas questões. Neste artigo, discutimos como uma perspectiva de economia política pode ajudar a explicar as caraterísticas do auxílio estatal setorial nos Países Baixos, uma nação tradicionalmente corporativista. Enquanto o governo prometeu à KLM, o maior ator no setor da aviação holandês, empréstimos no valor de 3,4 mil milhões de euros, o horeca (sector da hotelaria) não recebeu um pacote de auxílio semelhante. A análise de casos elimina explicações puramente técnicas para esse fenômeno. Utilizamos process-tracing e fizemos uma análise de centenas de artigos publicados na mídia do país para compreender a influência dos líderes políticos, lobbies e peritos. Descobrimos que, num contexto de crise econômica, o comportamento eleitoreiro dos líderes políticos e a força e organização dos lobbies, determinaram a quantia que cada setor poderia esperar receber. Entretanto, os interesses no campo das políticas públicas ajudam a explicar a forma específica do auzílio. Nossas conclusões sublinham a necessidade de considerar o apoio fiscal em termos de economia política, mesmo durante crises, e de explorar não somente a existência ou o montante dos auxílios oferecidos pelo estado, mas também sua composição.

Resumen ¿Cómo se distribuyen los recursos de ayuda gubernamental entre los diferentes sectores económicos durante una crisis? ¿Y por qué algunos sectores reciben más que otros? La reciente pandemia de COVID-19 puso de relieve la importancia de estas cuestiones. En este artículo, exploramos cómo una perspectiva de economía política puede ayudar a entender la distribución del apoyo estatal en diferentes sectores en los Países Bajos, un país de tradición corporativista. Mientras que a KLM ‒el actor más importante del sector de aviación holandés‒ el gobierno le prometió préstamos de alrededor de 3.400 millones de euros, al sector HORECA (que congrega hoteles, restaurantes y cafeterías) se le denegó una ayuda similar. A través de un análisis cruzado de casos eliminamos razones puramente técnicas para este fenómeno. A continuación, utilizamos la metodología process-tracing y analizamos cientos de artículos de medios de comunicación holandeses para entender la influencia de líderes políticos, lobbies y expertos. Descubrimos que, en un contexto de crisis económica, el comportamiento electorero de los líderes políticos y el poder y organización de los lobbies determinaron la suma que cada sector podría esperar. Por otro lado, la estructura de dichas ayudas se explica a través del alineamiento político de los decisores políticos. Nuestros resultados subrayan la necesidad de estudiar el apoyo gubernamental en términos de economía política, inclusive durante crisis, y de explorar no solo la existencia o la cuantía de dichas ayudas sino también su composición.

Financiamento de campanhas eleitorais e lobby da indústria de bebidas açucaradas e seus insumos no Congresso Nacional / Electoral campaign financing and lobbying from the sugary drinks and their inputs industries in the Brazilian legislature

Introdução: A tributação de bebidas açucaradas integra um conjunto de políticas públicas recomendadas para combater a obesidade e doenças crônicas não transmissíveis associadas à má-alimentação. Contudo, enfrenta grande oposição da indústria, que emprega estratégias e práticas de atividade política corporativa (APC) para impedir sua adoção. Objetivo: Avaliar se a APC da indústria de bebidas açucaradas e seus insumos - especialmente o financiamento de campanhas eleitorais e o lobby - influenciou o processo decisório sobre a tributação de bebidas açucaradas no Congresso Nacional na 55ª Legislatura (2015-2019). Métodos: Avaliaram-se as contribuições financeiras do setor de bebidas às campanhas eleitorais dos candidatos ao Senado Federal (2010 e 2014) e à Câmara dos Deputados (2014), a partir dos dados do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral. As contribuições foram descritas segundo variáveis sociodemográficas, regionais, partidárias, e comparadas utilizando-se os testes de Qui-quadrado e Exato de Fisher. Para avaliar o efeito das contribuições sobre a chance de eleição utilizou-se o modelo linear generalizado com regressão binomial negativa. Identificaram-se as propostas legislativas relacionadas à tributação de bebidas açucaradas que tramitaram na legislatura. Selecionaramse quatro propostas para estudo de caso e, aplicando-se a Análise Qualitativa Comparativa, buscou-se explicar sua aprovação no Senado Federal e a subsequente rejeição na Câmara dos Deputados. Resultados: Contribuíram para as campanhas 56 grupos empresariais que produzem bebidas açucaradas e 62 que produzem insumos (açúcar e concentrados de frutas). Em 2010, predominaram as contribuições de indústrias de insumos; em 2014, as das indústrias de bebidas açucaradas. Prevaleceu a participação de grupos filiados à Abir, Unica e CitrusBR. Os recursos beneficiaram 96 candidatos ao Senado e 585 à Câmara, contribuindo para a eleição de 48 Senadores e 237 Deputados Federais. Para o estudo de caso, foram selecionados quatro projetos de Decreto Legislativo que visavam manter um benefício tributário às empresas do setor que atuam na Zona Franca de Manaus (ZFM). Os interesses das grandes indústrias de refrigerantes prevaleceram no Senado, onde o voto favorável foi explicado pelas seguintes condições, isoladas ou conjuntamente, relativas aos Senadores: representar Estado com área de livre comércio da Superintendência da ZFM; pertencer ao PSDB; ter recebido financiamento de campanha do setor; ter um interesse atendido por um dos Senadores com interesse na manutenção dos benefícios para a indústria de refrigerantes na ZFM; representar Estado do Norte/Nordeste; ter interesse em benefícios fiscais para sua região; e ter sido eleito em 2010. Na Câmara, determinaram a rejeição a ausência de articulação entre os representantes do Amazonas e a deliberação na Comissão de Finanças e Tributação, onde se destacava um grupo de parlamentares favoráveis às pequenas e médias indústrias de refrigerantes. Em ambas as Casas houve baixa sensibilização quanto à questão de saúde pública envolvida. Conclusão: É notável a atuação do empresariado para manter o status quo que beneficia o setor, na contramão da recomendação de saúde pública. Dados a intensa participação e o poder de influência da indústria no processo decisório, o caminho para o aumento da tributação de bebidas açucaradas no Brasil será longo e repleto de obstáculos.

Introduction: Sugary drinks taxation is among a set of recommended public policies to tackle obesity and diet-related non-communicable diseases. However, it faces strong opposition from the industry, which uses corporate political activity (CPA) strategies and practices to prevent it. Objective: To assess whether CPA of the sugary drinks and their inputs industries - especially electoral campaign financing and lobbying - have influenced decision-making on sugary drinks taxation in the 55th Congress of the Brazilian legislature (2015-2019). Methods: Data on campaign contributions from the sector to congressional candidates (Federal Senate in 2010 and 2014 and Chamber of Deputies in 2014), available from the Superior Electoral Court, were assessed. Contributions were described according to variables related to sociodemographics, region, and political party. Generalized linear model analysis with negative binomial regression was used to assess the effect of the contributions on the chances of election. Legislative proposals related to sugary drinks taxation considered during the 55th Congress were identified. Four of them were selected for a case study to explain their approval in the Federal Senate, using the Qualitative Comparative Analysis, and their subsequent rejection in the Chamber of Deputies. Results: Fifty-six corporate groups that produce sugary drinks and 62 that produce their inputs (sugar and fruit concentrates) contributed to the campaigns. In 2010, contributions from input industries prevailed while in 2014 those from sugary drinks industries did. Participation from corporate groups associated to Abir, Unica, and CitrusBR also prevailed. Contributions benefited 96 candidates to the Federal Senate and 585 to the Chamber of Deputies and helped elect 48 Senators and 237 Federal Deputies. Four Legislative Decree bills aimed at keeping tax benefits to soda industries which operate in the Manaus Free Trade Zone (MFTZ) were selected for the case study. The interests of major sugary drink industries prevailed in the Federal Senate, where the favorable votes of the Senators were explained by the following conditions, isolated or combined: representing a State with free trade area of the MFTZ; being filiated to PSDB; having received campaign contributions from the sector; having an interest promoted by one of the Senators who supported the maintenance of the tax benefits to soda industries in the MFTZ; representing a State from the North or Northeast; defending tax benefits for their own region; having being elected in 2010. In the Chamber of Deputies, rejection of the bills was determined by the absence of political articulation of the representatives of Amazonas State and the deliberation in the Finance and Taxation Committee, where there was a group of members who were favorable to the interests of soda industries based in other States. Members of both legislative Houses showed little concern regarding the public health issue involved. Conclusion: The actions taken by the private sector to maintain the status quo are remarkable and go against public health recommendations. Given the intense participation of the industry in the decisionmaking process and their political power, the path to sugary drinks taxation in Brazil will be long and full of obstacles.